The Arab Islamic Conquest and its Devastating Impact on the East and Mediterranean World in the 7th Century and the Edict of Umar I

Phoenician Encyclopedia
Arab Invaders
Highlight any text; our page(s) will read it. Text-to-speech


"Seeing Islam as Others Saw It"
The Arabs i.e. Saracens had a catastrophic impact on the Eastern Mediterranean, Egypt, North Africa and the East. Originally, the West called the Arab Muslims by the designation of the Saracens which also meant Muslims or Ishmaelites.

However, the meaning of the word Saracens is thieves, marauders or plunderers in Arabic -- sariqīn -- سارقاين
Constraning Edict of Muslim Arab Caliph Umar I on Christians

The eye-witness testimony of their contemporaries confirms why:

      Twitter Logo Join PhoeniciaOrg Twitter
for alerts on new articles
Facebook Logo Visit our Facebook Page
for additional, new studies

وصاحب هذا الموقع لن يجب على اية أسئلة على هذه الصفحة بل يجب توجيه هذا الى الكاتب


Before presenting what was written about the invaders who were subjugated by the Arab/Islamic Conquest in the seventh century, a little philological analysis of the name Saracens is required.  Saracens was the Western name given to the Arab/Muslims who flooded the Mediterranean World and the East during that time.

Saint Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem
Saint Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem

Non-Islamic References by
© Peter Kirby (September 11, 2003)

Robert G. Hoyland in 1997 published an important book entitled Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam. This book contains background, commentary, and evaluation of over a hundred sources that may date between 630 AD and 780 AD, the formative period of Islam, and that refer to the growing phenomenon in either an incidental or purposeful context as an outsider. Unfortunately, the book is expensive and difficult to obtain. So I have excerpted the references themselves, placing them in chronological order, and I encourage the interested reader to buy or borrow Hoyland's book.

For reference, the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Madinah, called the Hijrah (on which the Islamic calendar is based), dates to 622 AD. Muhammad died in 632 AD, or 11 AH, according to tradition. See this Brief Chronology of Muslim History for more information.

Table of Contents

  1. Doctrina Jacobi (July 634)
  2. Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem (d. ca. 639)
  3. Fragment on the Arab Conquests (post-636)
  4. Maximus the Confessor (d. 662)
  5. Thomas the Presbyter (wr. ca. 640)
  6. Homily on the Child Saints of Babylon (640s?)
  7. John, Bishop of Nikiu (640s or 690s)
  8. Coptic Apocalypse of Pseudo-Shenute (644?)
  9. Pope Martin I (649-655)
  10. Isho'yahb III of Adiabene (d. 659)
  11. Fredegar, a Frankish Chronicler (wr. 650s)
  12. Trophies of Damascus (probably 661, possibly 681)
  13. Sebeos, Bishop of the Bagratunis (wr. 660s)
  14. A Chronicler of Khuzistan (wr. ca. 660s)
  15. The Synod of 676
  16. Arculf, a Pilgrim (fl. 670s)
  17. George of Resh'aina (d. ca. 680)
  18. Athanasius of Balad, Patriarch of Antioch (683-687)
  19. John bar Penkaye (wr. 687)
  20. Anti-Jewish Polemicists (ca. 640-697)
  21. The Secrets of Rabbi Simon ben Yohai (post-680?)
  22. Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Ephraem (post-692?)
  23. Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (690s)
  24. Anastasius of Sinai (d. ca. 700)
  25. Hnanisho' the Exegete (d. 700)
  26. Ad Annum 705 (October 705)
  27. Jacob of Edessa (d. 708)
  28. Coptic Apocalpyse of Pseudo-Athanasius (ca. 715)
  29. Greek Daniel, First Vision (716-717)
  30. The Vision of Enoch the Just (717)
  31. Greek Interpolation of the Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (ca. 720)
  32. Patriarch Germanus (715-730)
  33. Willibald (fl. 720s) and Other Pilgrims
  34. John of Damascus (wr. 730s)
  35. A Monk of Beth Hale and an Arab Notable (post-717)
  36. A Maronite Chronicler (8th century)
  37. Isho'bokht, Metropolitan of Fars (ca. 730-780)
  38. Stephen of Alexandria (775-785)
  39. Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785)
  40. T'ung tien (published 801)

The Latin term Saraceni is of unknown original meaning; however, it probably comes from the Greek, Sarakēnḗ (Ancient Greek: Σαρακηνή). There are claims of it being derived from the Semitic triliteral root srq "to steal, rob, plunder", and perhaps more specifically from the noun sāriq (Arabic: سارق ‎), pl. sariqīn (سارقين), which means "thief, marauder, plunderer".10

The Saracens were mainly Islamic converts of Bedouins and primitive tribes of savages living in the Arabian desert, and had no education, culture, civilization or knowledge of the highly advanced world of the Byzantines, who were in control of the region.  They started, what they call the Islamic Conquest, not as a regular army but as bunch of bandits who terrorized and devastated the cities and villages that were in their way.  They looted, destroyed, stole, raped, pillaged, controlled, converted to Islam by the sword, and sold children as slaves.  

During their initial cataclysmic and violent spread to Phoenicia, Colonia Aelia Capitolina, Syria (what today is Lebanon, Israel/Palestine and Syria) and other regions, we have eye-witness reports of the devastation they brought to the lands they conquered.   History recorded eye witness accounts of the devastation that they caused in the territories that they came across. Following are eye-witness accounts of the suffering which the Saracen Arab Muslims overwhelmingly rained on their enemies of all religions.

Ptolemy's 2nd-century work, Geography, describes Sarakēnḗ (Ancient Greek: Σαρακηνή) as a region in the northern Sinai Peninsula.23 Ptolemy also mentions a people called the Sarakēnoí (Ancient Greek: οἱ Σαρακηνοί) living in Sinai, the northwestern Arabian Peninsula.23 Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical history narrates an account wherein Pope Dionysius of Alexandria mentions Saracens in a letter while describing the persecution of Christians by the Roman emperor Decius: "Many were, in the Arabian mountain, enslaved by the barbarous 'sarkenoi'." 23 The Augustan Historyalso refers to an attack by Saraceni on Pescennius Niger's army in Egypt in 193, but provides little information as to identifying them.13  They were classified by the Romans as barbarians.23

The conclusion of the above linguistic analysis seems to indicate clearly that the Saracens were barbarian invaders, as they were called by their contemporaries. This was documented by people of all religiouns: Jews, Christians, Copts, Zoroastrians, Samaritans, and others who were pestered and harrassed by them before the Arabs ruled them and persecuted some of them into extinction.

Doctrina Jacobi (Greek: Διδασκαλία Ἰακώβου, Didaskalia Iakobou (July 634), Teaching of Jacob

[Jacob, himself a convert, wrote to encourage Christian faith in Jews of Carthage, forcibly converted in 632, in a tract that was completed before "the thirteenth of July in the seventh indiction," i.e. 634, when Jacob left Carthage. In it his cousin Justus appears telling how he heard of the killing of a member of the imperial guard, or candidatus, in a letter from his brother Abraham in Caesarea, in which the following appears.]

The Teaching of Jacob (Ancient Greek: Διδασκαλία Ἰακώβου, Didaskalia Iakobou; Latin Doctrina Jacobi; Ethiopic Sargis d'Aberga), is a 7th-century Greek Christian polemical tract set in Carthage in 634 but written in Palestine sometime between 634 and 640.12 It supposedly records a weeks-long discussion ending on July 13, 634, among Jews who have been forcibly baptized by order of the emperor. One of them, Jacob, has come to believe sincerely in Christianity; he instructs the rest about why they should also sincerely embrace their new faith. Halfway through, a Jewish merchant named Justus arrives and challenges Jacob to a debate. In the end, all of the participants are convinced to embrace Christianity, and Jacob and Justus return east.3 In addition to several partial Greek manuscripts, the text survives in Latin, Arabic, Ethiopic and Slavonic translations.

The text provides one of the earliest external accounts of Islam, presenting a significantly different Islamic historiography than found in traditional Islamic texts.4 It also shows Jacob comparing the Byzantine Empire to the fourth beast of the prophecy of Daniel from Judeo-Christian eschatology. Although not unfamiliar imagery, it is part of a series of Byzantine literature, from the early stages of the Islamic religion, of trying to reconcile Islam with the apocalyptic vision.5 Further examples of this are contained in the pseudo-Athanasian's Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem, and the Quaestiones et responsiones attributed to Anastasius of Sinai.

It records a prophet in Arabia during the birth time of Islamic tradition proclaiming the advent of a Jewish Messiah. The document contradicts the notion in Islamic tradition that the prophet was dead at the time of the conquest of Palestine but agrees with some traditions of other peoples of the time.6

The Teaching of Jacob (Ancient Greek: Διδασκαλία Ἰακώβου, Didaskalia Iakobou; Ethiopic Sargis d’Aberga), is a 7th-century Greek Christian anti-Jewish polemical tract set in Carthage in 634 but written in Palestine sometime between 634 and 640.12 It supposedly records a July 13, 634 discussion between a Jewish forced to convert to Christianity, Jacob, and some Jews about the condition of the Byzantine Empire in light of the recent Arab conquests, and how they should proceed as he had done, and convert to Christianity
The Specialty about this document is that it make the first Mention of The Prophet of Ishmailities (Arab).

Muhammad as The Holder of Keys to Paradise

it mentioned him as follows :
”When the candidatus was killed by the Ishmailites, I was at Caesarea and I set off by boat to Sykamina. People were saying “the candidatus has been killed,” and we Jews were overjoyed. And they were saying that the prophet had appeared, coming with the Saracens, and that he was proclaiming the advent of the anointed one, the Christ who was to come. I, having arrived at Sykamina, stopped by a certain old man well-versed in scriptures, and I said to him: “What can you tell me about the prophet who has appeared with the Saracens (Ishmalites )?” He replied, groaning deeply: “He is false, for the prophets do not come armed with a sword. Truly they are works of anarchy being committed today and I fear that the first Christ to come, whom the Christians worship, was the one sent by God and we instead are preparing to receive the Antichrist. Indeed, Isaiah said that the Jews would retain a perverted and hardened heart until all the earth should be devastated. But you go, master Abraham, and find out about the prophet who has appeared.” So I, Abraham, inquired and heard from those who had met him that there was no truth to be found in the so-called prophet, only the shedding of men’s blood. He says also that he has the keys of paradise, which is incredible.”

Saint Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem (d. ca. 639) (c. 560 – March 11, 638; Greek: Σωφρόνιος), Christmas Homily delivered at the Church of the Holy Seplecure instead of the Church of the Nativity because the Arabs forbade Christians from worshipping in Bethleham that Christmass.

In a synodical letter without date, Sophronius gives an extensive list of heretics and asks, in the valedictions, that the following may be granted by God to "our Christ-loving and most gentle emperors" a strong and vigorous sceptre to break the pride of all the barbarians, and especially of the Saracens who, on account of our sins, have now risen up against us unexpectedly and ravage all with cruel and feral design, with impious and godless audacity. More than ever, therefore, we entreat your Holiness to make urgent petitions to Christ so that he, receiving these favourably from you, may quickly quell their mad insolence and deliver these vile creatures, as before, to be the footstool of our God-given emperors. (Ep. synodica, PG 87, 3197D-3200A p. 69)

The following comments are dated to December of 634 AD.

We, however, because of our innumerable sins and serious misdemeanours, are unable to see these things, and are prevented from entering Bethlehem by way of the road. Unwillingly, indeed, contrary to our wishes, we are required to stay at home, not bound closely by bodily bonds, but bound by fear of the Saracens. (Christmas Sermon, 506 p. 70)

At once that of the Philistines, so now the army of the godless Saracens has captured the divine Bethlehem and bars our passage there, threatening slaughter and destruction if we leave this holy city and dare to approach our beloved and sacred Bethlehem. (Christmas Sermon, 507 p. 70)

If we were to live as is dear and pleasing to God, we would rejoice over the fall of the Saracen enemy and observe their near ruin and witness their final demise. For their blood-loving blade will enter their hearts, their bow will be broken and their arrows will be fixed in them. (Christmas Sermon, 515 p. 71)

This dates to the 6th of December in 636 or 637 AD.

But the present circumstances are forcing me to think differently about our way of life, for why are so many wars being fought among us? Why do barbarian raids abound? Why are the troops of the Saracens attacking us? Why has there been so much destruction and plunder? Why are there incessant outpourings of human blood? Why are the birds of the sky devouring human bodies? Why have churches been pulled down? Why is the cross mocked? Why is Christ, who is the dispenser of all good things and the provider of this joyousness of ours, blasphemed by pagan mouths (ethnikois tois stomasi) so that he justly cries out to us: "Because of you my name is blasphemed among the pagans," and this is the worst of all the terrible things that are happening to us. That is why the vengeful and God-hating Saracens, the abomination of desolation clearly foretold to us by the prophets, overrun the places which are not allowed to them, plunder cities, devastate fields, burn down villages, set on fire the holy churches, overturn the sacred monasteries, oppose the Byzantine armies arrayed against them, and in fighting raise up the trophies of war and add victory to victory. Moreover, they are raised up more and more against us and increase their blasphemy of Christ and the church, and utter wicked blasphemies against God. Those God-fighters boast of prevailing over all, assiduously and unrestrainedly imitating their leader, who is the devil, and emulating his vanity because of which he has been expelled from heaven and been assigned to the gloomy shades. Yet these vile ones would not have accomplished this nor seized such a degree of power as to do and utter lawlessly all these things, unless we had first insulted the gift of baptism and first defiled the purification, and in this way grieved Christ, the giver of gifts, and prompted him to be angry with us, good though he is and though he takes no pleasure in evil, being the fount of kindness and not wishing to behold the ruin and destruction of men. We are ourselves, in truth, responsible for all these things and no word will be found for our defence. What word or place will be given us for our defence when we have taken all these gifts from him, befouled them and defiled everything with our vile actions? (Holy Baptism, 166-167 pp. 72-73)

In a work originally composed by John Moschus (d. 619), but expanded by Sophronius (d. ca. 639), actually found only in an addition of the Georgian translation, the following entry appears, concerning a construction dated by tradition at 638, i.e., soon after the capture of Jerusalem ca. 637. It appears in a portion concerning Sophronius as recounted on the authority of his contemporary, the archdeacon Theodore, and may have been written down ca. 670.

The godless Saracens entered the holy city of Christ our Lord, Jerusalem, with the permission of God and in punishment for our negligence, which is considerable, and immediately proceeded in haste to the place which is called the Capitol. They took with them men, some by force, others by their own will, in order to clean that place and to build that cursed thing, intended for their prayer and which they call a mosque (midzgitha). (Pratum spirituale, 100-102 p. 63)

Fragment on the Arab Conquests (post-636)

From the book (p. 116): "On the front fly-leaf of a sixth-century Syriac manuscript containing the Gospel according to Matthew and the Gospel according to Mark are scribbled a few lines about the Arab conquest, now very faint. The following entries are the most readable:"

In January {the people of} Hums took the word for their lives and many villages were ravaged by the killing of {the Arabs of} Muhammad (Muhmd) and many people were slain and {taken} prisoner from Galilee as far as Beth. . . .

On the tw{enty-six}th of May the Saq{ila}ra went {. . .} from the vicinity of Hums and the Romans chased them {. . .}.

On the tenth {of August} the Romans fled from the vicinity of Damascus {and there were killed} many {people}, some ten thousand. And at the turn {of the year_ the Romans came. On the twentieth of August in the year nine hundred and forty-seven there gathered in Gabitha {a multitude of} the Romans, and many people {of the Romans were killed}, some fifty thousand.

From the book (p. 117): "Beyond this only scattered words are discernible. Wright, the first to draw attention to the fragment, wrote that 'it seems to be a nearly contemporary notice,' a view to which Nöldeke also subscribed. Neither scholar produced evidence to corroborate his assertion, but in its favour is the occurrence of the words 'we saw' on l. 13, and the fact that it was a common practice to jot down notes for commemorative purposes on the blank pages of a Gospel. It is of some significance that the fragment accords with one of the dates given in Arabic sources for the battle at Gabitha (assuming this is to be identified with Yarmouk), namely 20 August AG 947/12 Rajab AH 15 (636), and bears resemblance to certain notices in Theophanes, but Donner is right to advise caution given the unknown provenance and frequent illegibility of the text."

Maximus the Confessor (d. 662)

From a letter to Peter, governor of Numidia, then in Alexandria, indicating the importance of prayer at this time, between 634 and 640.

For indeed, what is more dire than the evils which today afflict the world? What is more terrible for the discerning than the unfolding events? What is more pitiable and frightening for those who endure them? To see a barbarous people of the desert overrunning another's lands as though they were their own; to see civilization itself being ravaged by wild and untamed beasts whose form alone is human. (Maximus, Ep. 14, PG 91, 533-44 pp. 77-78)

Thomas the Presbyter (wr. ca. 640)

In the year 947 (635-36), indiction 9, the Arabs invaded the whole of Syria and went down to Persia and conquered it. The Arabs climbed the mountain of Mardin and killed many monks there in the monasteries of Qedar and Bnata. There died the blessed man Simon, doorkeeper of Qedar, brother of Thomas the priest. (Thomas the Presbyter, Chronicle, 148 p. 119)

From the book (pp. 119-120): "The mention of Heraclius reigning for 30 years at the end of Section 5 and the lack of any event later than the above suggest that the Chronicle was completed in 640 when Heraclius was in his final year."

In the year 945, indiction 7, on Friday 7 February (634) at the ninth hour, there was a battle between the Romans and the Arabs of Muhammad (tayyaye d-Mhmt) in Palestine twelve miles east of Gaza. The Romans fled, leaving behind the patrician bryrdn, whom the Arabs killed. Some 4000 poor villagers of Palestine were killed there, Christians, Jews and Samaritans. The Arabs ravaged the whole region. (Thomas the Presbyter, Chronicle, pp. 147-148 p. 120)

Homily on the Child Saints of Babylon (640s?)

As for us, my loved ones, let us fast and pray without cease, and observe the commandments of the Lord so that the blessing of all our Fathers who have pleased Him may come down upon us. Let us not fast like the God-killing Jews, nor fast like the Saracens who are oppressors, who give themselves up to prostitution, massacre and lead into captivity the sons of men, saying: "We both fast and pray." Nor should we fast like those who deny the saving passion of our Lord who died for us, to free us from death and perdition. Rather let us fast like our Fathers the apostles who went out into all the world, suffering hunger and thirst, deprived of all. . . . Let us fast like Moses the arch-prophet, Elias and John, like the prophet Daniel and the three Saints in the furnace of fire. (Homily on the Child Saints of Babylon, 36 p. 121)

John, Bishop of Nikiu (640s or 690s)

The entirety of John's Chronicle is available online.

From the book (p. 154): "As regards the conquest of Egypt John does try to outline the movements of the Arabs, though our assessment of his account is hampered by the fact that there is a gap in the manuscript for the years 611-39. He offers some unique information, in particular that the Arabs, 'paying no attention to the fortified cities,' initially raided the Fayyum, an important agricultural oasis to the south of Fustat, whereas Muslim sources say the Arab commander 'Amr ibn al-'As 'advanced directly to Fustat.' John's reconstruction, that the Arabs first took possession of the surrounding districts before proceeding to the city with its defensive fortress, makes much more sense and also accords with what we know of Arab warfare from other sources."

John attributes the Muslim conquest "to the wickedness of the emperor Heraclius and his persecution of the orthodox through the patriarch Cyrus." (Chronicle, 121.2) John laments apostasy, saying, "And now many of the Egyptians who had been false Christians denied the holy orthodox faith and life giving baptism, and embraced the religion of the Moslem, the enemies of God, and accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast, this is, Mohammed, and they erred together with those idolaters, and took arms in their hands and fought against the Christians. And one of them, named John, the Chalcedonian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced the faith of Islam, and quitting his monk's habit he took up the sword, and persecuted the Christians who were faithful to our Lord Jesus Christ." (Chronicle, 121.10-11) The chronicle ends with the capture of Alexandria in 641. Hoyland suggests a date of composition in the 640s because there is no reference to any "monastic activities" such as would be expected from one who "entered the church hierarchy, probably ca. 650" (p. 153). John claims in the prologue to have been an eyewitness to some of the more recent events in his chronicle.

Coptic Apocalypse of Pseudo-Shenute (644?)

The Persians . . . will go down to Egypt and much killing will accompany them. They shall seize the wealth of the Egyptians and sell their children for gold, so harsh is the persecution and oppression of the Persians. Many masters will become slaves and many slaves masters. Woe to Egypt on account of the Persians. Many masters will become slaves and many slaves masters. Woe to Egypt on account of the Persians, for they will take the church vessels and drink wine from them before the altar without fear or anxiety. They will rape the women before their husbands. There shall be great distress and anguish, and of those that survive a third will die of grief and misery.

Then after a while the Persians will depart from Egypt and there shall arise the Deceiver, who will enter upon the king of the Romans and will be entrusted by him with headship of both the military commanders and the bishops. He shall enter Egypt and undertake many tasks; he shall take possession of Egypt and its provinces, and build ditches and forts, and order that the walls of the towns in the deserts and wastelands be re-built. He shall destroy the East and the West, then he shall combat the pastor, the archbishop in Alexandria entrusted with the Christians resident in the land of Egypt. They will expel him and he will flee southwards until he arrives, sad and dispirited, at your monastery. And when he comes here, I shall return him and place him on his seat once more.

After that shall arise the sons of Ishmael and the sons of Esau, who hound the Christians, and the rest of them will be concerned to prevail over and rule all the world and to re-build the Temple that is in Jerusalem. When that happens, know that the end of times approaches and is near. The Jews will expect the Deceiver and will be ahead of the other peoples when he comes. When you see the abomination of desolation of which the prophet Daniel spoke standing in the holy place, know that they are those who deny the pains which I received upon the cross and who move freely about my church, fearing nothing at all. (Ps.-Shenute, Vision, 340-41 pp. 280-281)

Pope Martin I (649-655)

Found in a letter to Theodore composed on his arrest in June 653, in which he disclaims any heresy or treason.

At no time did I send letters to the Saracens nor, as some say, a statement (tomus) as to what they should believe; neither did I ever despatch money, except only to those servants of God travelling to that place for the sake of alms, and the little which we supplied to them was certainly not conveyed to the Saracens. (Martin, Ep. 14, PL 87, 199A p. 75)

Isho'yahb III of Adiabene (d. 659)

The heretics are deceiving you when they say there happens what happens by order of the Arabs, which is certainly not the case. For the Muslim Arabs (tayyaye mhaggre) do not aid those who say that God, Lord of all, suffered and died. And if by chance they do help them for whatever reason, you can inform the Muslims (mhaggre) and persuade them of this matter as it should be, if you care about it at all. So perform all things wisely, my brothers; give unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's. (Isho'yahb III, Ep. 48B, 97 p. 179)

From the book (pp. 179-180): "The interest of this passage is twofold. Firstly, it is our earliest reference to Christian dealings with Muslims, and it is clear that the Monophysites and Nestorians vied for privileges from their new masters much as they had done in Sasanian times. As far as what should be rendered to Caesar, bishops and monks alike sought tax concessions and other such favours for their people; in matters concerning God they simply requested the freedom to conduct their own affairs unmolested. Secondly, it gives us our earliest reference as it dates before 640 AD to the term mhaggre. The equivalent Greek form magaritai is found in a bilingual papyrus of AH 22/643, which is a receipt from the commander of the Arab forces in Egypt to the local inhabitants for goods provided, and it was probably from such documents or from the scribes that copied them that the Christians learned the term. In turn, the Greek derives from the Arabic muhajir, which is the name by which the Arabs are designated on all official documents of the first century of Islam."

From the book (p. 180): "A second reference to the Muslims occurs in a letter addressed to Simeon of Rewardashir, whom Isho'yabb desperately exhorts to remain within the fold of the church. He argues that the only possibly explanation for the disasters which have been afflicting the Persian and East Arabian Christians under Simeon's authority, in particular the successes of some religious pretender, is their attempt at secession:"

You alone of all the peoples of the earth have become estranged from every one of them. And because of this estrangement from all these, the influence of the present error came to prevail with ease among you. For the one who has seduced you and uprooted your churches was first seen among us in the region of Radan, where the pagans (hanpe) are more numerous than the Christians. Yet, due to the praiseworthy conduct of the Christians, the pagans were not led astray by him. Rather he was driven out from there in disgrace; not only did he not uproot the churches, but he himself was extirpated. However, your region of Persia received him, pagans and Christians, and he did with them as he willed, the pagans consenting and obedient, the Christians inactive and silent. As for the Arabs, to whom God has at this time given rule (shultana) over the world, you know well how they act towards us. Not only do they not oppose Christianity, but they praise our faith, honour the priests and saints of our Lord, and give aid to the churches and monasteries. Why then do your Mrwnaye inhabitants of a city in Persia reject their faith on a pretext of theirs? And this when the Mrwnaye themselves admit that the Arabs have not compelled them to abandon their faith, but only asked them to give up half of their possessions in order to keep their faith. Yet they forsook their faith, which is forever, and retained the half of their wealth, which is for a short time. (Isho'yahb III, Ep. 14C, 251 pp. 180-181)

Fredegar, a Frankish Chronicler (wr. 650s)

It is said that for three years and more Constans paid one thousand gold solidi a day to the Saracens; but then he somewhat recovered his strength, little by little won back his empire and refused to pay tribute. How this came about I shall set down under the right year in its proper sequence. (Fredegar, Chronicle, 162 p. 217)

The Hagarenes, who are also called Saracens . . . —a circumcised people who of old had lived beneath the Caucasus on the shores of the Caspian in a country known as Ercolia—had now grown so numerous that at last they took up arms and threw themselves upon the provinces of the emperor Heraclius, who despatched an army to hold them. In the ensuing battle the Saracens were the victors and cut the vanquished to pieces. It is said that the Saracens killed in this engagement 150,000 men. Then they sent a deputation to Heraclius with an offer to send him the spoils of battle, but he would accept nothing because of his desire for vengeance on the Saracens. (Fredegar, Chronicle p. 218)

An account of what appears to be the Battle of Yarmouk (636) follows, in which Heraclius releases the demonic hordes locked up above the Caspian behind brass gates by Alexander the Great, "and through them poured 150,000 mercenary warriors to fight the Saracens:" The latter, under two commanders, were approximately 200,000 strong. The two forces had camped quite near one another and were ready for an engagement on the following morning. But during that very night the army of Heraclius was smitten by the sword of God: 52,000 of his men died where they slept. When on the following day, at the moment of joining battle, his men saw that so large a part of their force had fallen by divine judgement, they no longer dared advance on the Saracens, but all retired whence they came. The Saracens proceeded, as was their habit, to lay waste the provinces of the empire that had fallen to them. (Fredegar, Chronicle p. 219)

Trophies of Damascus (probably 661, possibly 681)

In an anti-Jewish polemic, the interlocutor responds, with reference to boasting about God's favor resting upon Christian government.

"If things are as you say, how is it that enslavements are befalling you? Whose are these devastated lands? Against whom are so many wars stirred up? What other nation is so much fought as the Christians?" (Trophies of Damascus II.3.1, 220 p. 79)

From the book (p. 80): The very first words of the Trophies of Damascus—"Of the divine and invincible church of God"—strike this defiant note. The author is aware that "others" hold Jerusalem, but asserts that "as long as the head and the empire remain firm, all the body will renew itself with ease," and he proclaims Damascus as "the illustrious city beloved of Christ." In the face of the Jew's stinging reply quoted above, the Christian is unabashed: "This is the most astounding thing, that though embattled, the church has remained invincible and indestructible, and while all strike out against it, the foundation has remained unshaken."

Sebeos, Bishop of the Bagratunis (wr. 660s)

From the book (pp. 124-125): "There has been much controversy over the authorship of this work. Its first modern commentator tried to identify it with the History of Heraclius referred to by five medieval historians and attributed to a bishop Sebeos, presumably the 'lord Sebeos, bishop of the House of Bagratunis,' who attended the Council of Dwin in 645 and witnessed its canons. This was for a long time generally accepted until the researches of Abgarian, who pointed out that the three surviving excerpts from Sebeos' composition are not found in, or even contradict, our anonymous chronicle. So the two must be considered distinct documents, the one by Sebeos having been lost bar the excerpts. . . . Unlike the question of authorship, studies on dating and reliability have not been forthcoming, and a few comments are therefore necessary. There are indications that Sebeos the anonymous chronicler lived through many of the events that he relates: he maintains that the account of the Arab conquests derives from fugitives 'who had been eyewitnesses thereof' and, speaking of happenings in 652, declares that the Armenian faith has prevailed 'until now.' Gero considers that Sebeos' notice on the launching of a fleet by Mu'awiya to attack Constantinople must refer to 'the great siege in 674-78.' But the text describes a single assault rather than a long siege, and the event is clearly to be identified with that reported by a mid-eighth-century Syriac source. Both emphasise that a great force of ships was readied and that the expedition took place in the thirteenth year of Constans (654). Sebeos concludes with Mu'awiya's ascendancy in the first Arab civil war (656-61), and the above points would suggest that the author was writing very soon after this date."

The following is from chapter 30 of Bedrosian's translation:

I shall discuss the line of the son of Abraham: not the one born of a free woman, but the one born of a serving maid, about whom the quotation from Scripture was fully and truthfully fulfilled, "His hands will be at everyone, and everyone will have their hands at him" Genesis 16. 11,12. Twelve peoples representing all the tribes of the Jews assembled at the city of Edessa. When they saw that the Iranian troops had departed leaving the city in peace, they 122 closed the gates and fortified themselves. They refused entry to troops of the Roman lordship. Thus Heraclius, emperor of the Byzantines, gave the order to besiege it. When the Jews realized that they could not militarily resist him, they promised to make peace. Opening the city gates, they went before him, and Heraclius ordered that they should go and stay in their own place. So they departed, taking the road through the desert to Tachkastan to the sons of Ishmael. The Jews called the Arabs to their aid and familiarized them with the relationship they had through the books of the Old Testament. Although the Arabs were convinced of their close relationship, they were unable to get a consensus from their multitude, for they were divided from each other by religion. In that period a certain one of them, a man of the sons of Ishmael named Muhammad, became prominent t'ankangar. A sermon about the Way of Truth, supposedly at God's command, was revealed to them, and Muhammad taught them to recognize the God of Abraham, especially since he was informed and knowledgeable about Mosaic history. Because the command had g104 come from on High, he ordered them all to assemble together and to unite in faith. Abandoning the reverence of vain things, they turned toward the living God, who had appeared to their father--Abraham. Muhammad legislated that they were not to 123 eat carrion, not to drink wine, not to speak falsehoods, and not to commit adultery. He said: "God promised that country to Abraham and to his son after him, for eternity. And what had been promised was fulfilled during that time when God loved Israel. Now, however, you are the sons of Abraham, and God shall fulfill the promise made to Abraham and his son on you. Only love the God of Abraham, and go and take the country which God gave to your father Abraham. No one can successfully resist you in war, since God is with you."

Then all of them assembled together, from Havilah to Shur, which is opposite Egypt The text is corrupt here. The citation is from Genesis 25.18,and they set out from the P'arhan desert being twelve tribes moving in the order of precedence of the Houses of the patriarchs of their tribe. They were divided into 12,000 men, of which the sons of Israel were in their own tribes, 1,000 to a tribe, to lead them to the country of Israel. They travelled army by army in the order of precedence of each patriarchy: Nebaioth, Kedar, Adbeel, Mibsam, Mishma, Dumah, Massa, Hadad, Tema, Jetur, Naphish and Kedemah Genesis 25. 13-16. These are the peoples of Ishmael. They reached Moabite Rabbath, at the borders of 124 Ruben's land. The Byzantine army was encamped in Arabia. The Arabs fell upon them suddenly, struck them with the sword and put to flight emperor Heraclius' brother, T'eodos. Then they turned and encamped in Arabia.

All the remnants of the sons of Israel then assembled g105 and united, becoming a large force. After this they dispatched a message to the Byzantine emperor, saying: "God gave that country as the inherited property i kaluats zharhangut'ean of Abraham and of his sons after him. We are the sons of Abraham. It is too much that you hold our country. Leave in peace, and we shall demand from you what you have seized, plus interest tokosiwk' pahanjests'uk' i ken zkalealn". The emperor rejected this. He did not provide a fitting response to the message but rather said: "The country is mine. Your inheritance is the desert k'oy vichak zharhangut'ean anapatn. So go in peace to your country". And Heraclius started organizing brigades, as many as 70,000 troops giving them as a general, a certain one of his faithful eunuchs. He ordered that they were to go to Arabia, stipulating that they were not to engage them 125 in war, but rather to keep on the alert until he could assemble his other troops and send them to help. Now the Byzantines reached the Jordan and crossed into Arabia. Leaving their campsite on the riverbank, the Byzantines went on foot to attack the Arabs' camp. The Arabs, however, had placed part of their army in ambuscades here and there, lodging the multitude in dwellings around the camp. Then they drove in herds of camels which they penned around the camp and the tents, tying them at the foot with rope. Such was the fortification of their camp. The beasts were fatigued from the journey, and so the Byzantines were able to cut through the camp fortification, and started to kill the Arabs. But suddenly the men in the ambuscades sprung from their places and fell upon them. Awe of the Lord came over the Byzantine troops, and they turned in flight before them. But they were unable to flee because of the quicksand which buried them to the legs. There was great anxiety caused by the heat of the sun and the enemy's sword was upon them. All the generals fell and perished. More than 2,000 men were slain. A few survivors fled to the place of refuge.

The Arabs crossed the Jordan and encamped at Jericho. Then dread of them came over the inhabitants of the country, and all of them submitted g106. That night the Jerusalemites took 126 the Cross of the Lord and all the vessels of the churches of God, and fled with them by boat to the palace at Constantinople. The Jerusalemites requested an oath from the Arabs and then submitted.

The emperor of the Byzantines was no longer able to assemble his troops against them. The Arabs divided their army into three parts. One part went to Egypt, taking territory as far as Alexandria. The second part went north to war against the Byzantine empire. In the twinkling of an eye they had seized territory stretching from the Farthest Sea to the shores of the great Euphrates river, as well as Edessa and all the cities of Mesopotamia, on the other side of the Euphrates river. The third part of the Arab army was sent to the east, against the kingdom of Iran.

In that period the kingdom of Iran grew weaker, and their army was divided into three parts. Then the Ishmaelite troops who were gathered in the east, went and besieged Ctesiphon, since the king of Iran resided there. Troops from the land of Media zawr ashxarhin Marats', some 80,000 armed men under their general Rostom assembled and went against the Arabs in battle. Then the Arabs left the city and crossed to the other side of 127 the Tigris river. The Iranians also crossed the river, pursuing them. And they did not stop until they reached their borders, at the village called Hert'ichan. The Iranians continued to pursue them, eventually going and encamping in the plain. Present were Mushegh Mamikonean, son of Dawit', the general of Armenia with 3,000 armed men, and also prince Grigor, lord of Siwnik', with 1,000 men. The Iranian and Arab armies attacked each other, and the Iranian forces fled before them. But the Arabs pursued them, putting them to the sword. All the principal naxarars died, as did general Rostom. They killed Mushegh and two of his sister's sons, as well as Grigor, the lord of Siwnik', along with one son. Some of the Iranian troops escaped and fled back to their own land. The remnants of the Iranian forces assembled in Atrpatakan at one spot and made Xorhoxazat their general. Then they hurried to Ctesiphon and took the treasury of the g107 kingdom, the inhabitants of the cities, and their king, and then hurried to get back to Atrpatakan. But as soon as they had departed and gone some distance, the Ishmaelite army unexpectedly came upon them. Horrified, the Iranians abandoned the treasury and the inhabitants of the city, and fled. Their king also fled, winding up with the southern troops. Now the Arabs took the entire treasury and returned to Ctesiphon, taking the inhabitants of the cities along too. 128 And they pillaged the entire country.

The venerable Heraclius ended his life in good old age. He reigned for 30 years 610-40/41. Heraclius made his son Constantine swear to have clemency upon all those transgressors whom he had ordered exiled. He made him vow to send each back to his place, and to bring back the aspet, his wife and son, and to establish him in his former rank i kargn arhajin; perhaps, "in the foremost rank". "Should he want to go to his land, as I have sworn--may my oath not be false--release him, and let him go in peace".

Heraclius died and his son Constantine ruled. But no one was chosen as general of the land of Armenia och' ok' entrets'aw zawravar yashxarhin Hayots', since the princes were disunited and quit each other's presence.

The corruptive army of the Arabs arose from Asorestan and came through the valley route to the land of Taron. They took Taron, Bznunik' and Aghiovit and then, going to the Berkri valley via Ordspu and Gogovit, poured into Ayrarat. None of the Armenian troops was able to carry the bad news to the awan of Dwin. There were, however, three of the princes who went and gathered the dispersed troops: T'eodoros Vahewuni, 129 Xach'ean Arhaweghean, and Shapuh Amatuni. They fled to Dwin, reached the Metsamor bridge, crossed it, destroyed it, and then they went to take the bad news to the awan. All the people of the land had assembled in the fortress, and they had come in harvest time for the vineyards.

T'eodoros went to the city of Naxchawan. The enemy Busha reached Metsamawr bridge but was unable to cross over. g108 However, the Arabs had as a guide Vardik, prince of Mokk', who was called Aknik "Little Eyes". Crossing the Metsamawr bridge, they raided the entire country. They accumulated a very great amount of loot and captives, then came and encamped by the edge of the Xosrakert forest.

On the fifth day of the Arabs' sojourn, on a Friday, the 30th of the month of Tre =the fourth month in the Armenian calendar, November, they came against the city of Dwin and it was betrayed into their hands. For they set fires here and there, and drove away the guards on the wall by smoke and by shooting arrows. They then erected ladders, scaled the wall and, once inside, opened the city gates. The army of the enemy poured inside and put most of the city to the sword. Then, taking the loot and booty of the city, they departed and encamped at their same campsite. After passing some days there, they arose and departed by the same route they had come. They had a multitude of captives with them, some 130 35,000 souls. Now the prince of Armenia, the lord of Rshtunik', who had been concealed in an ambuscade in the district of Gogovit, went against the Arabs with few troops. But he was unable to resist, and so fled before them. The Arabs pursued Rshtunik's troops killing many of them. Then they went to Asorestan. This occurred in the days of kat'oghikos Ezr.

As a result of that battle, an order came from the emperor granting the military command zawravarut'eann and the dignity of patrician to T'eodoros, lord of Rshtunik'.

All this took place as a result of kat'oghikos Nerses who succeeded Ezr on the kat'oghikosal throne.

When the sons of Ishmael had arisen and issued from the desert of Sinai, their king Amrh did not accompany them. But when the Arabs had militarily routed both kingdoms, seizing from Egypt to the great Taurus mountain, from the Western Sea the Atlantic Ocean to Media and Xuzhastan, they then emerged with the royal army and went to the g109 natural borders of the holdings of Ishmael. Then the Arab 131 king gave an order to assemble boats and many sailors and to navigate southwardly, going east to Pars, to Sagastan, to Sind, to Srman, to the land of Turan and to Makuran as far as the borders of India. The troops swiftly prepared and implemented the command. They burned every country, taking loot and booty. They then turned and made expeditions on the waves of the sea, and reached their own places.

We heard this account from men who had returned from captivity in Xuzhastan Tachkastan, who themselves had been eye-witnesses to the events described and narrated them to us.

The following is from chapter 31 of Bedrosian's translation:

Now I shall speak about the plot of the Jewish rebels, who, finding support from the Hagarenes for a short time, planned to rebuild the temple of Solomon. Locating the place called the holy of holies, they constructed the temple with a pedestal, to serve as their place of prayer. But the Ishmaelites envied the Jews, expelled them from the place, and named the same building their own place of prayer. The Jews built a temple for their worship, elsewhere. It 132 was then that they came up with an evil plan: they wanted to fill Jerusalem with blood from end to end, and to exterminate all the Christians of Jerusalem. Now it happened that there was a certain grandee Ishmaelite who went to worship in their private place of prayer i teghi aghawt'its' iwreants' miayn. He encountered three of the principal Jewish men, who had just slaughtered two pigs and taken and put them in the Muslim place of prayer. Blood g110 was running down the walls and on the floor of the building. As soon as the man saw them, he stopped and said something or other to them. They replied and departed. The man at once went inside to pray. He saw the wicked sight, and quickly turned to catch the men. When he was unable to find them, he was silent and went to his place Then many Muslims entered the place and saw the evil, and they spread a lament throughout the city. The Jews told the prince that the Christians had desecrated their place of prayer. The prince issued an order and all the Christians were gathered together. Just as they wanted to put them to the sword, the man came and addressed them: "Why shed so much blood in vain? Order all the Jews to assemble and I shall point out the guilty ones". As soon as they were all assembled and the man walked among them, he recognized the three men whom he had previously 133 encountered. Seizing them, the Arabs tried them with great severity datets'in agahin datestanawk' until they disclosed the plot. And because their prince was among the Jews present, he ordered Ew zi ishxan nots'a er i hreits' anti, hramaveats'... The subject probably is the Arab, not Jewish, prince that six of the principals involved in the plot be killed. He permitted the other Jews to return to their places.

Further chapters speak of more conquests of the Ishmaelites (Arabs) and the first Arab civil war (in chapter 38).

A Chronicler of Khuzistan (wr. ca. 660s)

From the book (p. 185): "In either case, one would not wish to date the text's completion later than the 660s. The title declares the finishing point to be 'the end of the Persian kingdom,' and certainly there is no clear reference to any event after 652. If, as seems likely, the narrative on the siege of Shush and Shustar derives from eyewitness testimony, then one would not wish to place its composition, given its vividness, much more than two decades after the event. It is not stated that Elias of Merv was already dead, but it is perhaps implied, and this probably occurred not long after 659, when he witnessed Isho'yahb's demise."

Then God raised up against them the sons of Ishmael, numerous as the sand on the sea shore, whose leader (mdabbrana) was Muhammad (mhmd). Neither walls nor gates, armour nor shield, withstood them, and they gained control over the entire land of the Persians. Yazdgird sent against them countless troops, but the Arabs routed them all and even killed Rustam. Yazdgird shut himself up in the walls of Mahoze and finally escaped by flight. He reached the country of the Huzaye and Mrwnaye, where he ended his life. The Arabs gained control of Mahoze and all the territory. They also came to Byzantine territory, plundering and ravaging the entire region of Syria. Heraclius, the Byzantine king, sent armies against them, but the Arabs killed more than 100,000 of them. When the catholicos Isho'yahb saw that Mahoze had been devastated by the Arabs and that they had carried off its gates to 'Aqula (Kufa) and that those who remained were wasting away from hunger, he left and took up residence in Beth Garmai, in the town of Karka. (Chron. Khuzistan, 30-31 p. 186)

Regarding the dome of Abraham, we have been unable to discover what it is except that, because the blessed Abraham grew rich in property and wanted to get away from the envy of the Canaanites, he chose to live in the distant and spacious parts of the desert. Since he lived in tents, he built that place for the worship of God and for the offering of sacrifices. It took its present name from what it had been, since the memory of the place was preserved with the generations of their race. Indeed, it was no new thing for the Arabs to worship there, but goes back to antiquity, to their early days, in that they show honour to the father of the head of their people. Hasor, which scripture calls "head of the kingdoms" (Joshua xi. 10), belongs to the Arabs, while Medina is named after Midian, Abraham's fourth son by Qetura; it is also called Yathrib. And Dumat Jandal belongs to them, and the territory of the Hagaraye, which is rich in water, palm trees and fortified buildings. The territory of Hatta, situated by the sea in the vicinity of the islands of Qatar, is rich in the same way; it is also thickly vegetated with various kinds of plants. The region of Mazon also resembles it; it too lies by the sea and comprises an area of more than 100 parasangs. So belongs to them too the territory of Yamama, in the middle of the desert, and the territory of Tawf, and the city of Hira, which was the seat of king Mundar, surnamed the "warrior;" he was sixth in the line of the Ishmaelite kings. (Chron. Khuzistan, 38-39 pp. 187-188)

The Synod of 676

From the book concerning the minutes of a council held in May "of the year 57 of the rule of the Arabs" (pp. 193-194): "Nineteen canons of diverse content were established, a few of which hint at problems of interaction with the new rulers. Canon 6 urges that 'legal cases and disputes between Christians be judged within the church' and that 'those to be judged should not go outside the church before the pagans and non-believers.' Though the wording is vague, the Muslims must chiefly be meant, and we find the same concern in rulings by contemporary Jacobite and Jewish leaders. Canon 14, 'that it is not appropriate for Christian women to consort with the pagans, who are strangers to the fear of God,' is similarly unspecific; in a general way it probably intends all non-Christians, but again it is likely that Muslims were uppermost in the minds of those at the synod, and indeed, we find this issue commanding the attention of a number of contemporary Christian authorities. It is, however, true that there were still pagan vestiges in East Arabia, as is indicated by Canon 18, which forbids Christians to bury their dead 'in the manner of the pagans,' 'for it is a pagan custom to wrap the deceased in rich and precious clothes and, in weakness and despair, to make great lamentations for them.' Canon 19 stresses that bishops should be held in honour and respect by their flock, and that 'believers who hold power are not authorised to exact poll-tax and tribute (ksep risha wmadatta) from him as from a layman.' This ruling gives our earliest literary reference to a poll-tax imposed by the Muslims, and illustrates that the latter made use of local inhabitants to collect taxes."

Arculf, a Pilgrim (fl. 670s)

In that famous place where once stood the magnificently constructed Temple, near the eastern wall, the Saracens now frequent a rectangular house of prayer which they have built in a crude manner, constructing it from raised planks and large beams over some remains of ruins. This house can, as it is said, accommodate at least 3000 people. (Adomnan, De locis sanctis p. 221)

George of Resh'aina (d. ca. 680)

After Maximus went up to Rome, the Arabs seized control of the islands of the sea and entered Cyprus and Arwad, ravaging them and taking captives. They gained control over Africa and subdued almost all the islands of the sea; for, following the wicked Maximus, the wrath of God punished every place which had accepted his error. (George of Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus XXIII, 312-13 p. 141)

When Maximus saw that Rome had accepted the foul mire of his blasphemies, he also went down to Constantinople at the time when Mu'awiya made peace with the emperor Constans, having started a war with Abu Turab, the emir of Hira, at Siffin and defeated him. (George of Resh'aina, Syriac Life of Maximus XXV, 313 p. 141)

Athanasius of Balad, Patriarch of Antioch (683-687)

For a terrible report about dissipated Christians has come to the hearing of our humble self. Greedy men, who are slaves of the belly, are heedlessly and senselessly taking part with the pagans in feasts together, wretched women mingle anyhow with the pagans unlawfully and indecently, and all at times eat without distinction from their sacrifices. They are going astray in their neglect of the prescriptions and exhortations of the apostles who often would cry out about this to those who believe in Christ, that they should distance themselves from fornication, from what is strangled and from blood, and from the food of pagan sacrifices, lest they be by this associates of the demons and of their unclean table. (Athanasius of Balad, Letter, 128-129 p. 148)

John bar Penkaye (wr. 687), from the book (pp. 195-197):

The work's theological stance led its first Western reviewer to characterise it as "without importance as a historical source." The judgement is certainly too harsh, particularly as regards its comments upon Muslim times. In the first place, John is noticeably unhostile towards Arab rule. Despite a sprinkling of stock abusive phrases such as "a barbarian people" and "hatred and wrath is their food," John notes the leniency of the Arabs towards the Christian population. The Christian religion and its members were respected: "Before calling them, (God) had prepared them beforehand to hold Christians in honour; thus they also had a special commandment from God concerning our monastic station, that they should hold it in honour." No attempts were made by the Arabs at forced conversion: "Their robber bands went annually to distant parts and to the islands, bringing back captives from all the peoples under the heavens. Of each person they required only tribute (madatta), allowing him to remain in whatever faith he wished." And of Mu'awiya's rule John says: "Justice flourished in his time and there was great peace in the regions under his control; he allowed everyone to live as they wanted;" and later adds that crops were bountiful and trade doubled. In fact, his only criticism was the lack of persecution: "There was no distinction between pagan and Christian," he laments, "the faithful was not known from a Jew."

Arab Soldiers

Secondly, though the coming of the Arabs is conceived of in Biblical terms and as part of God's dispensation, John does use a number of non-scriptural notions. For example, he presents Muhammad as a guide (mhaddyana) and instructor (tar'a), as a result of whose teaching the Arabs "held to the worship of the one God in accordance with the customs of ancient law." John also makes him out to be a legislator, observing of the Arabs that "they kept to the tradition of Muhammad . . . to such an extent that they inflicted the death penalty on anyone who was seen to act brazenly against his laws (namosawh)." The term "tradition" (mashlmanuta) implies something handed down, but one doubts that a fixed corpus of rulings from Muhammad is meant. Most likely John is simply relaying the message given out by the Muslims themselves, that they adhere to and enforce the example of their Prophet.

Finally, he is acquainted with a number of news items of internal Muslim affairs, especially those relating to the second Arab civil war, which was taking place as he wrote.

Anti-Jewish Polemicists (ca. 640-697)

This is found in both the Dialogues against the Jews of Anastasius and the anonymous Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo, one borrowing from another.

Do not say that we Christians are today afflicted and enslaved. This is the greatest thing, that though persecuted and fought by so many, our faith stands and does not cease, nor is our empire abolished, nor are our churches closed. But amid the peoples who dominate and persecute us, we have churches, we erect crosses, found churches and engage in sacrifices. (Anastasius of Sinai, Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 1221C-D = Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo IX, 60-61 p. 81)

No emperor of the Christians has ever been given up to death by the barbarians, even though so many nations have fought the empire. Not only the emperor himself, but they also were unable to eliminate his picture with the cross from the gold currency (nomisma), even though some tyrants attempted it. Do not consider this a trivial and insignificant thing {that our embattled faith has not ceased and is still standing and not blotted out}, for if God had not chosen and loved ours above all the other faiths, He would not have kept it intact among the wolf-like nations. Besides, God would not permit a false faith to prevail over all the extremities of the earth. (Anastasius of Sinai, Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 1224A-B; also found in Questions to Antiochus Dux no. 42, PG 28, 624C-D, excepting the phrase in curly brackets p. 84)

How was no one able to abolish or take from us the seal of gold? How many kings of the gentiles, Persians and Arabs attempted this and were in no way able? Thus God wished to show that, even if the Christians are persecuted, we reign over all. For the gold sign of our empire is a sign of Christ himself. Tell me, if it is not a sign that the faith and the empire of the Christians is eternal, invincible and indelible, how is it that all you who hate and blaspheme the cross of Christ have fallen away? How are you unable to remove the cross of gold, but even readily receive it? (Dialogue against the Jews, PG 89, 1224C-D = Dialogue of Papiscus and Philo X, 61-62 p. 84)

The Secrets of Rabbi Simon ben Yohai (post-680?)

The following is written of one Simon, who hid in a cave from the emperor, after praying for a number of days and asking for enlightenment (Simon ben Yohai, Secrets, 78-79 pp. 309-310):

At once the secrets of the end and the mysteries were revealed to him, and he sat and began to expound: "And he saw the Kenite" (Numbers xxiv.21).

Since he saw the kingdom of Ishmael that was coming, he began to say: "Was it not enough what the wicked kingdom of Edom has done to us, but we deserve the kingdom of Ishmael too?" At once Metatron, the foremost angel (sar ha-penim), answered him and said: "Do not fear, son of man, for the Almighty only brings the kingdom of Ishmael in order to deliver you from this wicked one (Edom). He raises up over them (Ishmaelites) a prophet according to His will and He will conquer the land for them, and they will come and restore it to greatness, and a great dread will come between them and the sons of Esau." Rabbi Simon answered him and said: "How is it known that they are our salvation?" He (Metatron) said to him: "Did not the prophet Isaiah say that 'he saw a chariot with a pair of horsemen etc.'? Why did he put the chariot of asses before the chariot of camels when he should rather have said 'a chariot of camels and then a chariot of asses,' because when he (Ishmael, i.e. the Arabs) goes forth to war, he rides upon on a camel, and when the kingdom will arise by his hands he rides upon an ass? Given that he said the reverse of this, the chariot of asses, since he (the Messiah) rides upon an ass, shows that they (the Ishmaelites, represented by the chariot of camels) are a salvation for Israel, like the salvation of the rider on an ass (i.e. the Messiah)."

Another exegesis: Rabbi Simon used to say that he heard Rabbi Ishmael say, when he had heard that the kingdom of Ishmael was approaching: "They will measure the land with ropes, as it is said, 'And he shall divide the land for a price' (Daniel xi.39). And they will make cemeteries into a pasturing place for flocks; and when one of them dies, they will bury him in whatever place they find and later plough the grave and sow thereon. Thus it is said: 'The children of Israel shall eat their bread defiled (Ezekiel iv.13),' because the unclean field should not be encroached upon."

Again: "And when he saw the Kenite:" and what parable did the wicked one (Balaam) take up, except that when he saw the sons of his (the Kenite's) sons who were to arise and subject Israel, he began to rejoice and said: "Strong (etan) is your dwelling place. I see that the sons of man do not eat save according to the commandments of Etan the Ezrahite."

From the book (p. 311): "The increased hostility of the Byzantine empire towards its Jewish communities during the late sixth and early seventh century, which culminated in Heraclius' decree ordering their compulsory baptism, make it unsurprising that a number of Jews should hail the Arab conquerors as deliverers. What our author is trying to do is to justify and find confirmation for such a conclusion from scripture, and to place the affair in the grander context of God's plan for Israel. The use made of Isaiah is fairly explicit. Rather abstruse in the text as we have it is the recourse to Numbers xxiv.21: 'And he (Balaam) saw the Kenite and took up his parable and said: "Strong is your dwelling place and you put your nest in a rock."' The Kenites are sons of Jethro, Salamians, identified in Byzantine inscriptions and literature as an Arab tribe. Balaam is the Biblical 'prophet of the gentiles' sent to Moab and the Midianites, and so an appropriate figure to prophesy about the Arabs. His first words advance a favourable verdict upon the future of their dominion: 'Strong is your dwelling place.' And the second part seems bound up with the favourable description of 'Umar I in the Secrets:"

The second king who arises from Ishmael will be a lover of Israel. He restores their breaches and the breaches of the Temple. He hews Mount Moriah, makes it level and builds a mosque (hishtahawaya) there on the Temple rock, as it is said: "Your nest is set in the rock." (Simon ben Yohai, Secrets, 79 p. 311)

Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Ephraem (post-692?)

A people shall rise up from the desert, the offspring of Hagar, handmaid of Sarah, who hold to the covenant (qyama) of Abraham, the husband of Sarah and Hagar. They are awakened to come in the name of the Ram (dekra), the messenger (izgada) of the Son of Perdition. And there will be a sign in the sky as says our Lord in his Gospel (Matthew xxiv.30). . . . The plunderers (shabbaye) will spread over the earth, in the valleys and on mountain tops, and they will enslave women, children and men, old and young. . . . (much emotive description of killing, looting and enslavement ensues). . . . They open roads in the mountains and paths in the valleys. They will plunder to the ends of creation and take possession of the cities. Lands will be ravaged and corpses abound upon the earth. All peoples will be laid low before the plunderers. And just when the peoples had endured long on the earth and were hoping that now would come peace, they (the plunderers) will exact tribute and all will indeed fear them. Injustice will increase upon the earth and obscure the clouds. Wickedness will grow thick in creation and rise up to Heaven as smoke. (Ps.-Ephraem, Sermon on the End of Times, 61-62 pp. 260-261)

Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (690s) from the book (pp. 264-266):

It was against this background that our second Syriac apocalypse, attributed to Methodius, bishop of Olympus (d. 312), was composed, most likely in North Mesopotamia by a Melkite or Monophysite author and around the year 690, very near the expiry of the 70 years of rule which it allots to the Arabs. It is a treatise, we are told in the preface, "about the succession of kings and the end of time . . . about the generations and the kingdoms, how they were handed down in succession from Adam until today." Sure enough, we are taken on a trek through six millennia of history on to the "last millennium, namely the seventh, in which the kingdom of the Persians will be uprooted, and in which the sons of Ishmael will come out of the desert of Yathrib." The latter have been summoned by God "to be a chastisement in which there will be no mercy," a punishment for the unparalleled dissoluteness into which the Christian community had fallen. In performing their task, the Arabs commit the most heinous atrocities against the Christians: "captivity and slaughter," "exacting tribute even from the dead who lie in the ground;" "they will not pity the sick nor have compassion for the weak," "they will ridicule the wise, deride the legislators and mock the knowledgeable;" "wild animals and cattle will die, the trees of the forest will be cut, the most beautiful plants of the mountains will be ravaged, opulent cities will be laid waste;" "they will make the sacred garments into clothing for themselves and their sons, they will tether their cattle in the shrines of the martyrs and in the burial places of the saints." The magnitude of the horrors is explained by the fact that "these barbarian rules are not men, but sons of destruction and they set their faces toward destruction." God's purpose in allowing all this to happen to his chosen ones is to sift the wheat from the chaff. "Not all those who are from Israel are Israel" says the author, citing Romans ix.6, and indeed, "a great many of those who are sons of the church will deny the true faith of the Christians, the Holy Cross and the life giving Mysteries. Without compulsion, torments or blows, they will deny Christ and put themselves on a par with the unbelievers (kapure)," "they will separate from the assembly of the Christians of their own accord." It is the worst of the Christians who will be believed and hold high rank, whereas "the trustworthy, the clerics, the wise and the good will be held in contempt."

Then comes the tenth and last week. The Christians will suffer even greater hardship, persecution and oppression, whilst "those tyrants will be enjoying food and drink and rest, and they will be boasting of their victories. . . . They will dress up like bridegrooms and adorn themselves as brides, and blaspheme saying: 'The Christians have no saviour.'" But suddenly, "the king of the Greeks will come out against them in great anger," and the Arabs will be made to endure one hundredfold what they inflicted upon the Christians. "There will be joy on the whole earth; men will dwell in great peace; the churches will be renewed, the cities rebuilt, and the priests set free from tax." This "final peace" is disrupted by an onslaught from the northern peoples and the emergence of the Antichrist. As soon as the latter is revealed, the king of the Greeks will go up and stand on Golgotha, and the Holy Cross will be put in that place where it had been erected when it bore Christ. "And this Last Emperor will put his crown on top of the Holy Cross and stretch out his hands to heaven, and he will hand over the kingdom to God the Father."

Anastasius of Sinai (d. ca. 700)

Compiled ca. 690, in the preface to a work mostly concerned with the Monophysites: Before any discussion we must first anathematize all the false notions which our adversaries might entertain about us. Thus when we wish to debate with the Arabs, we first anathematize whoever says two gods, or whoever says that God has carnally begotten a son, or whoever worships as god any created thing at all, in heaven or on earth. (Viae dux 1.1.9 p. 94)

When they (the Saracenes) hear of "nature," they think of shameful and unbecoming things, the sexual organs of the bodies of men and women. Because of that they avoid this word as if they were pupils of the Saracens. For when the latter hear of the birth of God and of His genesis, they at once blaspheme, imagining marriage, fertilization and carnal union. (Viae dux 10.2.169-170 p. 94)

From the book (p. 98): In the course of one answer the author observes that the "present generation" faces a period of spiritual crisis resembling that endured by the Children of Israel during the Babylonian captivity, for "we see our brothers and servants of the faith pressed by great need into nakedness, toils and labours." (Anastasius of Sinai, Questions, no. 88) This sounds like an allusion to the contemporary plight of Christians now living under Arab rule, a situation which indeed appears to have provoked a fresh set of questions. How can one redeem one's sins if, having been reduced to servitude or captured in war, one can no longer attend church, fast or observe a vigil freely and at will? (ibid., no. 87) Are all the evils which the Arabs have perpetrated upon the land and the Christian community always a result of God's will? (ibid., no. 101) What is one to say regarding Christian women who, as slaves and captives, have given themselves up to prostitution? The answer to the latter is that it depends whether they have done so out of hunger and need, or from wantonness and pleasure. (ibid., no. 76) The Muslims are, however, only present as oppressors, and their beliefs receive no attention beyond a note that ideas such as that "Satan fell on account of not bowing down to the man (Adam)" belong to "the myths of the Hellenes and the Arabs." (ibid., no. 80)

  Arab Invadors

From the book (p. 99), about a narrative composed ca. 660 about miracles of saints in Sinai: Anastasius clearly does not regard the Muslims favourably; he calls them the nation that has sullied and profaned the holy summit. And in an account of a vision of fire that had appeared on the mountain some years earlier, he writes angrily of some Saracens, also present, who had expressed their disbelief and blasphemed the holy place, its icons and its crosses. He jeers at them, saying that no such miracles had occurred "in any other religion, or in any synagogue of the Jews or Arabs."

From the book (pp. 99-100): This tone is more prevalent in Anastasius' second collection, compiled ca. 690 and entitled: "Encouraging and supportive tales of the most humble monk Anastasius, which occurred in various places in our times." Its apologetic aim is declared openly by Anastasius, who tells us that he has selected only those tales "which concern the faith of Christians and which will bring great comfort to our captive brothers and to all who listen or read with faith." The theme of "our captive brothers" runs through this anthology, and many instances are given of the harsh trials facing Christian prisoners-of-war. Near the Dead Sea in the region of Zoara and Tetraphrygia, Cypriot prisoners worked in appalling conditions on public estates. Christian workers performing forced labour at Clysma in Sinai were refused permission by their Jewish master to attend a mass in honour of the Virgin Mary, though they were granted a reprieve when this Jew was suddenly struck dead by a falling beam. Among the individual cases there is Euphemia, Christian maid to a Saracen woman at Damascus who would beat her every time she returned from receiving communion, but Euphemia persevered nonetheless and was finally redeemed by some man who apparently made a habit of such action. George the Black, who apostatized when a child but reconverted on reaching adulthood, was betrayed by one of his own fellow captives and perished by his master's sword.

Note well that the demons name the Saracens as their companions. And it is with reason. The latter are perhaps even worse than the demons. Indeed, the demons are frequently much afraid of the mysteries of Christ, I mean his holy body . . ., the cross, the saints, the relics, the holy oils and many other things. But these demons of flesh trample all that is under their feet, mock it, set fire to it, destroy it. . . . (Narrat., C1 pp. 100-101)

From the book (p. 101): And he backs this argument with examples. At Damascus a possessed man named Sartabias was told by his demon that he would be taking temporary leave of him while he accompanied the Arab army on its expedition to the straits of Abydos of Constantinople, for "our prince has sent guards in order that we help our comrades the Saracens on the trip to Constantinople." Back in 660 Anastasius had himself witnessed demons participating in the clearing work commissioned by the Muslims on the Temple Mount. And ca. 670 a secretary at Damascus, John of Bostra, was sent on a mission by the governor (symboulos) to interrogate possessed girls at Antioch. Via the latters' mouths the demons within them inform John that what they fear most from the Christians is their cross, baptism and the Eucharist. When asked which among all the faiths of the world they prefer, they reply: "That of our companions. . . . those who do not have any of the three things of which we have spoken and those who do not confess the son of Mary to be God or son of God."

In a homily of the 690s: When Heraclius died, Martin was exiled by Heraclius' grandson and immediately the desert dweller Amalek rose up to strike us, Christ's people. That was the first terrible and fatal defeat of the Roman army. I am speaking of the bloodshed at Gabitha, Yarmouk and Dathemon, after which occurred the capture and burning of the cities of Palestine, even Caesarea and Jerusalem. Then there was the destruction of Egypt, followed by the enslavement and fatal devastations of the Mediterranean lands and islands and of all the Roman empire. But the rulers and masters of the Romans did not manage to perceive these things. Rather they summoned the most eminent men in the Roman church, and had their tongues and hands excised. And what then? The retribution upon us from God for these things was the almost complete loss of the Roman army and navy at Phoenix, an the progressive desolation of all the Christian people and places. This did not stop until the persecutor of Martin perished by the sword in Sicily. But the son of this man, the pious Constantine, united the holy church by means of an ecumenical council. . . . This blessed Council . . . has for twenty years halted the decimation of our people, turned the sword of our enemies against one another, given respite to the lands, calmed the seas, checked the enslavement, and brought relaxation, consolation and peace in great measure. (Sermo, PG 89, 1156C pp. 102-103)

Hnanisho' the Exegete (d. 700)

From a commentary on the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem in Matthew xxi.9: Why, when Israel has not celebrated people nor priests nor kings nor illustrious prophets so exclusively as it has Jesus, do the quarrelsome Jews, who hate God, stubbornly oppose that Jesus should be known as God? For if he were a deceiver, as they have shamelessly maintained, who of this ilk would be honoured by the people as God? And if he were a deceiver, why would he then become known as one who came in the name of the Lord and be immediately praised and proclaimed as King of Israel? And if he were only a prophet, as idly says some new folly (ayk da-mpaqqa leluta hdatta), like those who said: "this is Jesus the prophet from Nazareth in Galilee" (Matthew xxi.11), when and to which of the prophets did the people cry out Hosannah, both as adults (Matthew xxi.9), and as children whose reason is not yet mature (Matthew xxi.15)?

Ad Annum 705 (October 705)

A report giving information about the kingdom of the Arabs, and how many kings there were from them, and how much territory each of them held after his predecessor before he died.

    • Mohammad came upon the earth in 932 of Alexander, son of Philip the Macedonian (620-21); then he reigned 7 years.
    • Then there reigned after him Abu Bakr for 2 years.
    • And there reigned after him 'Umur for 12 years.
    • And there reigned after him 'Uthman for 12 years, and they were without a leader during the war of Siffin (Sefe) for 5½ years.
    • Thereafter Ma'wiya reigned for 20 years.
    • And after him Izid the son of Ma'wiya reigned for 3½ years.
    • {In margin: and after Izid for one year they were without a leader}
    • And after him 'Abdulmalik reigned for 21 years.
    • And after him his son Walid took power in AG 1017, at the beginning of first Tishrin (October 705).

From the book (pp. 394-395): "This list of Arab rulers is found in a late ninth-century manuscript of very varied contents, sandwiched between 'select sentences from the proverbs of Solomon' and 'extracts from the discourse of Isaac of Antioch on prayer.' Its provenance is thus unknown and it is presumably incomplete since the promised statistics regarding Muslim-occupied lands do not appear. Rather than the ten years apiece granted them by Muslim sources, Muhammad is given a seven-year reign and 'Umar, possibly to make up the shortfall, is accorded twelve years. An accession date is provided for Wahd alone, which suggests that the list did end with him and that this event was recent. Hence October 705 or shortly after is the most probable time of composition."

Jacob of Edessa (d. 708)

From the book (pp. 161-162): "The subject matter of his Canons is diverse, but a large proportion is taken up with the issue of purity, both in liturgical and social practice. In the social sphere this meant caution in one's dealings with heretics and unbelievers. Thus one should not make altar coverings, priests' garments or drapes from cloth on which is embroidered the Muslim profession of faith (tawdita hagarayta); and one should lock the church doors during a service lest 'Muslims enter and mingle with the believers, and disturb them and laugh at the holy Mysteries.' Jacob does, however, recognise that one must sometimes bow to constraint, and nowhere does he recommend martyrdom. Usually one should not eat with a non-orthodox, but if a Chalcedonian or Muslim governor orders it, then 'need allows it.' If in dire need a deacon may serve soldiers on campaign, and if compelled by the Arabs, a monk or a priest may participate in battle, though he faces suspension if he kills someone. And Jacob is willing to be lenient in matters that 'do no harm.' Priests may give the blessing of the saints to Muslims or pagans (mhaggraye aw hanpe), and may teach the children of Muslims, Harranians and Jews. They may pardon and give the Eucharist to (presumably repentant) apostates in danger of dying, and bury them after their death, if no bishop is in the vicinity."

We should not rebaptise a Christian who becomes a Muslim or pagan (kristiyana da-mhaggar aw mahnep) then returns, but the prayer of penitents is to be said over him by the bishop and a period of penance enjoined upon him. (Jacob of Edessa, Replies to John, A13 pp. 162-163)

A woman who is married to a Muslim and who says that she will convert to Islam (thaggar) unless she is given the host, should be granted it, but with a penalty that is appropriate for her to receive. (Jacob of Edessa, Replies to Addai, no. 75 p. 163)

From the book (p. 163): "These two rulings demonstrate how early apostasy to Islam became a serious issue, a fact vividly illustrated by a contemporary apocalypse which laments that 'many people who were members of the church will deny the true faith of the Christians, along with the holy cross and the awesome Mysteries, without being subjected to any compulsion, lashings or blows.' But though he probably wished to declare to renegades that they would be taken back, Jacob was not advocating a policy of 'anything goes.' Around the first case he drapes a veiled threat, intimating that such apostasy may deprive one of the grace of baptism; and in the latter instance he insists that 'even if there is not fear of her apostatizing' some 'rebuke' was necessary 'so that other women fear lest they too stumble.'"

From the book, regarding a chronicle by Jacob (p. 165): "All we have regarding Islam are the notices that 'Muhammad (Mhmt) went down for trade to the lands of Palestine, Arabia and Syrian Phoenicia,' that 'the kingdom of the Arabians (arbaye), those whom we call Arabs (tayyaye), began when Heraclius, king of the Romans, was in his eleventh year and Khusrau, king of the Persians, was in his thirty-first year' (620-21), and that 'the Arabs began to carry out raids in the land of Palestine.'"

Your question is vain . . . for it is not to the south that the Jews pray, nor either do the Muslims (mhaggraye). The Jews who live in Egypt, and also the Muslims there, as I saw with my own eyes and will now set out for you, prayed to the east, and still do, both peoples—the Jews towards Jerusalem and the Muslims towards the Ka'ba. And those Jews who are to the south of Jerusalem pray to the north; and those in the land of Babel, in Hira and in Basra, pray to the west. And also the Muslims who are there pray to the west, towards the Ka'ba; and those who are to the south of the Ka'ba pray to the north, towards that place. So from all this that has been said, it is clear that it is not to the south that the Jews and Muslims here in the regions of Syria pray, but towards Jerusalem or the Ka'ba, the patriarchal places of their races. (Jacob of Edessa, Letter to John the Stylite no. 14, fol. 124a; summarized by Wright, Catalogue, 2.604, and translated by Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 173 n. 30 pp. 565-566)

That, therefore, the Messiah is in the flesh of the line of David . . . is professed and considered fundamental by all of them: Jews, Muslims and Christians. . . . To the Jews . . . it is fundamental, although they deny the true Messiah who has indeed come. . . . The Muslims, too, although they do not know nor wish to say that this true Messiah, who came and is acknowledged by the Christians, is God and the son of God, they nevertheless confess firmly that he is the true Messiah who was to come and who was foretold by the prophets; on this they have no dispute with us. . . . They say to all at all times that Jesus son of Mary is in truth the Messiah and they call him the Word of God, as do the holy scriptures. They also add, in their ignorance, that he is the Spirit of God, for they are not able to distinguish between word and spirit, just as they do not assent to call the Messiah God or son of God. (Jacob of Adessa, Letter to John the Stylite no. 6 p. 166)

Coptic Apocalypse of Pseudo-Athanasius (ca. 715)

After these things the good God will become angry, because they had altered His true faith. He will divide the unity of the kingdom of the Romans and of their empire in return for their having divided His great Might into two natures. . . . He will give the power to the kings of Persia for a little while and they will afflict the earth in their days. . . . After this, God will remove the kingdom of the Persians and will stir up upon the earth a mighty people, numerous as the locusts. This is the fourth beast which the prophet Daniel saw. . . . That nation will rule over many countries and they will pay a tax to it. It is a brutal nation with no mercy in its heart. . . . (numerous iniquities detailed). . . . Many Christians, Barbarians, Greeks, Syrians and from all tribes will go and join them in their faith, wanting to become free from the sufferings that they will bring upon the earth. They will dwell in many countries and become the masters of them, and they will inherit them. Their leader shall live in the city called Damascus. . . . They will gather all the gold, silver, precious stones, bronze, iron, lead and the beautiful garments. The name of that nation is Saracen, one which is from the Ishmaelites, the son of Hagar, maidservant of Abraham. (Ps.-Athanasius, Apocalypse, 9.1-8 pp. 282-283)

First, that nation will destroy the gold on which there is the image of the cross of the Lord our God in order to make all the countries under its rule mint their own gold with the name of the beast written on it, the number of whose name is 666. Afterwards they will count the men and write their names in their documents, and set upon them high taxes. . . . Afterwards they will measure the whole earth with the fields and the gardens, and they will count the cattle. . . . At their end . . . they will take the strangers in the cities and the villages, and wherever they find them, they will call for their return and they will throw them into prison, for many at that time will leave their cities and their villages and go abroad because of the violence of the oppression of that nation. (Ps.-Athanasius, Apocalypse, 9.9-10 pp. 283-284)

Greek Daniel, First Vision (716-717)

The document begins with an account of "three sons of Hagar" who attack Constantinople: All these will slaughter a host of Romans {from two and three years old and younger}. They will gather together toward the sea and the number of that people will be a myriad myriads. . . . {And in that place many will deny our Lord Jesus Christ and the holy gifts, and will follow the apostates. Every sacrifice will cease from the churches, the liturgy of God will be mocked and the priests will be as laymen.} And Ishmael will cry out in a loud voice, boasting and saying: "Where is the God of the Romans? There is no one helping them, for we have defeated them completely." (Ps.-Daniel, Greek, First Vision, 3.1-5, section in curly brackets only in the Oxford manuscript pp. 297-298)

From the book (pp. 298-299): "Only one historical event is recorded by the author, namely the Arab siege of Constantinople begun in 716. The exact routes taken by the Arab generals are given, though unfortunately we cannot verify these. It is related how they 'will make a bridge in the sea with boats' and how the Byzantine nobles flee to the mountains and islands. Thereafter there is a shift to eschatological time with God despatching a champion to relieve the Christians. This liberator is inspired by the imaginary figure of the Last Emperor of ps.-Methodius, whence his being thought 'dead and useless' and his establishing peace on earth with the help of his sons. But it is also modelled on the historical figure of Leo III, who was crowned in the autumn of 716 and who was, as is described in the First Vision, from 'the inner country of the Persian and Syrian nations' and the bearer of a name beginning with 'K' (his baptismal name was Konon). The author was thus writing at the outset of Leo's reign, in the winter of 716-17, when the Arabs were outside the walls of Constantinople itself."

The Vision of Enoch the Just (717)

From the book (pp. 301-302): "The Vision's historical allusions are rather vague, but its immediate inspiration would seem to be the siege of Constantinople and its aftermath. The 96 years allowed for Arab rule take us to 717-18, the year in which the Arabs were driven away from the capital in ignominy. If we discount the disputed reigns of 'Ali and Mu'awiya II, the ninth king of the Arabs is Sulayman (715-17), whose death marks the failure of their siege. Moreover, it is said how, 'when the Romans shall destroy the southern people, they shall smite them first upon the sea and the Lord shall cause a storm to rise and drown them,' which describes exactly the fate of the Muslim fleet on that occasion. Jubilation at their victory appears to have given some Byzantines hope that the final defeat of the Arabs was at hand. Like ps.-Methodius, the Vision of Enoch stoutly defends the Roman empire's status as the last empire, which will endure until the end of time, when it will hand over custodianship to God. 'It shall be diminished for the reproving of its sins,' but 'the people of Ishmael . . . shall not be able to exterminate them.' And in the end 'there shall remain no more strength in the dragon as before.'"

Greek Interpolation of the Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (ca. 720)

Then the sons of Ishmael will go with countless chariots and horses. They will come out in the first month of the ninth indiction and will seize the cities of the East, overwhelming all of them. They will be divided into three bodies of troops: one division will march in the direction of Ephesus, another toward Pergamon and the third toward Malagina. Woe to you lands of Phrygia, Pamphilia and Bithynia! When it becomes cold, Ishmael will seize you. . . . The whole cavalry of Ishmael will arrive, and the first among them will set up his tent against you, Byzantine. He will start fighting and he will smash the gate of Xylokerkos and enter as far as Bous. . . . Then the Lord God will remove the cowardice of the Romans and cast it into the hearts of the Ishmaelites and the courage of the Ishmaelites into the hearts of the Romans. Turning round, the Romans will chase them away from their property, striking them without mercy. Then what is written will be fulfilled: "How could one man chase a thousand and two pursue ten thousand" (Deuteronomy xxxii.30). Then also their sailors will be brought to an end and will be annihilated. Then suddenly the king of the Greeks will come out against them. . . . (Ps.-Methodius, Greek tr., Apocalypse, 13.7-11 p. 296)

Patriarch Germanus (715-730)

It is worthy of our more special observation that not now only, but very often, reproaches of this kind have been urged against us by Jews and by the actual servants of idolatry, whose intention was to cast a blot on our immaculate and sacred faith. . . . The word of truth stops the mouth of these by the mention of their own peculiar abominations, branding with infamy the heathen with the wickedness and abominations of Gentile sacrifices and fables, making the Jews to blush, not only by reminding them of the frequent lapses of their fathers into idolatry, but, further, of their own opposition to the divine law which they made such a boast of holding. . . . With respect to the Saracens, since they also seem to be among those who urge these charges against us, it will be quite enough for their shame and confusion to allege against them their invocation which even to this day they make in the wilderness to a lifeless stone, namely that which is called Chobar, and the rest of their vain conversation received by tradition from their fathers as, for instance, the ludicrous mysteries of their solemn festivals. (Germanus, Ep. ad Thomam episcopum Claudiopoleos, PG 98, 168A-D pp. 105-106)

From the book (p. 107): The only other allusion to the Muslims made by Germanus occurs in his sermon commemorating the Constantinopolitans' deliverance in 718 from the Arab siege of their city. It is a celebration of the role of the Virgin, who "alone defeated the Saracens and prevented their aim, which was not just to capture the city, but also to overthrow the royal majesty of Christ." Throughout the oration the Christians are presented as the Israelites, "who with the eyes of faith see Christ as God and therefore confess that it is truly the Theotokos who bore him." The Muslims, on the other hand, are cast in the role of the impious Egyptians, "who say regarding Christ: 'I do not know the Lord,' and think concerning his mother: 'She is by nature a woman; she can in no way come to the aid of those who glory in her assistance.'" The sermon ends on a hopeful note, for like the Egyptians the Muslims are cast into the sea and the Christians live to fight another day.

Willibald (fl. 720s) and Other Pilgrims

From the book (p. 225): In 720 he had set out from England as a young man and travelled through France on to Rome, where he remained for three years 'under monastic rule.' 'Then Willibald . . . asked his friends and companions to help him by their prayers to . . . reach the . . . walls of the city of Jerusalem,' and on Easter day, 28 March 723, he departed with seven comrades for the Holy Land. But on reaching 'the land of the Saracens at a city beside the sea called Tartus' and walking as far as Hums, 'the pagan Saracens, who had discovered that some strange travellers had arrived, suddenly arrested them and took them prisoner. Not knowing what country they had come from, they took them to be spies.' They were brought before a rich old gentleman who said: 'Many times I have seen people coming here, fellow countrymen of theirs, from those parts of the world. They mean no harm. All they want to do is to fulfill their law.' Nevertheless, the governor 'ordered them to be kept prisoner till he discovered from the king what he should do about them.' But their confinement was not a harsh one. A merchant, though unable to ransom them, made sure that they had food, that they bathed on Wednesdays and Saturdays, and took them to the church and market on Sundays. 'And the people of that city were interested in them and liked coming to look at them there.' A Spaniard, whose brother was royal chamberlain, and the captain, who had brought them from Cyprus, then accompanied the governor to 'the Saracen king whose name was Mirmumnus,' by which is presumably meant the title 'commander of the faithful' (amir al-mu'minin). Once informed of their case, the caliph replied: 'Why should we punish them? They have committed no crime against us. Give them their permit and let them go!'"

John of Damascus (wr. 730s)

John of Damascus, De haeresibus C/CI, 60-61 (pp. 485-486):

There is also the people-deceiving cult (threskeia) of the Ishmaelites, the forerunner of the Antichrist, which prevails until now. It derives from Ishmael, who was born to Abraham from Hagar, wherefore they are called Hagarenes and Ishmaelites. And they call them Saracens, inasmuch as they were sent away empty-handed by Sarah (ek tes Sarras kenous); for it was said to the angel by Hagar: "Sarah has sent me away empty-handed" (cf. Genesis xxi. 10, 14).

These, then, were idolators and worshippers of the morning star and Aphrodite whom in fact they called Chabar in their own language, which means "great." So until the times of Heraclius they were plain idolators. From that time till now a false prophet appeared among them, surnamed Muhammad (Mamed), who, having happened upon the Old and the New Testament and apparently having conversed, in like manner, with an Arian monk, put together his own heresy. And after ingratiating himself with the people by a pretence of piety, he spread rumours of a scripture (graph) brought down to him from heaven. So, having drafted some ludicrous doctrines in his book, he handed over to them this form of worship (to se bas).

John of Damascus, De haeresibus, C/CI, 63-64 (pp. 486-487):

They call us associators (hetairiastas) because, they say, we introduce to God an associate by saying Christ is the Son of God and God. To them we say that the prophets and the scripture have transmitted this, and you, as you affirm, accept the prophets. . . . Again we say to them: "How, when you say that Christ is the Word and Spirit of God, do you revile us as associators? For the Word and the Spirit are inseparable. . . . So we call you mutilators (koptas) of God."

They misrepresent us as idolaters because we prostrate ourselves before the cross, which they loathe. And we say to them: "How then do you rub yourselves on a stone at your Ka'ba (Chabatha) and hail the stone with fond kisses?" . . . This, then, which they call "stone," is the head of Aphrodite, whom they used to worship and whom they call Chabar.

John of Damascus, De haerisibus, C/CI, 64-67 (p. 487):

This Muhammad, as it has been mentioned, composed many frivolous tales, to each of which he assigned a name, like the text (graph) of the Woman, in which he clearly prescribes the taking of four wives and one thousand concubines, as if it is possible (story of Zayd is told; cf. Qur'an xxxiii.37). . . . Another is the text of the Camel of God, about which he says that there was a camel from God (story of Salih's camel; cf. Qur'an xci. 11-14, vii. 77). . . . You say that in paradise you will have three rivers flowing with water, wine and milk (cf. Qur'an ii. 25, xviii. 31, xxii. 23). . . . Again, Muhammad mentions the text of the Table. He says that Christ requested from God a table and it was given to him, for God, he says, told him: "I have given to you and those with you an incorruptible table." Again, he mentions the text of the Cow and several other foolish and ludicrous things which, because of their number, I think I should pass over.

John of Damascus, De haerisibus, C/CI, 67 (p. 487):

He prescribed that they be circumcised, women as well, and he commanded neither to observe the sabbath nor to be baptised, to eat those things forbidden in the Law and to abstain from the others. Drinking of wine he forbade absolutely.

John of Damascus, De haerisibus, C/CI, 61 (pp. 488-489):

He says Christ is the Word of God and His Spirit (cf. Qur'an iv. 171), created (iii. 59) and a servant (iv. 172, xix. 30, xliii. 59), and that he was born from Mary (iii. 45, and cf. 'Isa ibn Maryam), the sister of Moses and Aaron (xix. 28), without seed (iii. 47, xix. 20, xxi. 91, lxvi. 12). For, he says, the Word of God and the Spirit entered Mary (xix. 17, xxi. 91, lxvi. 12), and she gave birth to Jesus, a prophet (ix. 30, xxxiii. 7) and a servant of God. And he says that the Jews, acting unlawfully, wanted to crucify him, but, on seizing him, they crucified only his shadow; Christ himself was not crucified, he says, nor did he die (iv. 157). For God took him up to heaven to Himself . . . and God questioned him saying: "Jesus, did you say that 'I am son of God and God?'" And he says, Jesus answered, "Mercy me, Lord, you know that I did not say so (v. 116). . . ."

A Monk of Beth Hale and an Arab Notable (post-717)

This Arab man then, O my lord, was one of the chief men before the emir Maslama and by reason of a malady which he had, he came to us and remained with us for ten days. He spoke freely with us and debated much about our scriptures and their Qur'an (quran). When he saw our rites performed at the appropriate seven times, in accordance with what the blessed David said: "Seven times a day I praise you for your judgements, O righteous one," he called me to him. And because he had acted as steward in the government for a long time and because of his exaltedness and our lowliness, he would speak with us via an interpreter. He began by reproving us for our faith, saying: "You make prayers much, night and day you are not silent, and you outdo us in prayer and fasting and in your petitions to God. However, in my own opinion, your faith rules out that your prayers will be accepted." (Monk of Beth Hale, Disputation, fol. 1a p. 466)

From the book (pp. 470-472):

At the beginning of the text the author informs his patron, Father Jacob, that he will put the disputation into the requisite question-and-answer form. So might we have here a literary redressing of a real debate? Can we, in other words, detect any material that might derive from interaction with a Muslim? A number of features are worth considering. When asked why the Christians do not "profess Abraham and his commandments," the monk has to request clarification: "What faith of Abraham do you desire for us, and what are his commandments that you wish us to perform? The Arab said: circumcision and sacrifice, because he received them from God." The two practices are attested for the Arabs in pre-Islamic times, and it has been proposed that they became the pillars of the nascent Islamic faith, which was a religion of Abraham. All one might note in addition here is that a Syriac chronicle has Muhammad's initiation of sacrifice mark the beginning of the new Muslim polity, and that the "faith of Abraham" (tawdita d-Abraham) which the monk queries echoes the equivalent Qur'anic expression din Ibrahim.

In the debate on the Godhead, whether God is three or if He has a son, the Arab is asked about "the one who is called by you 'Isa bar Maryam and by us Jesus Christ," and he replies: "In accordance with what is from our Muhammad (Mhmd), we also bear witness to what he said, namely that he is the Word of God and His Spirit." This is drawn from Qur'an iv. 171, and also the term 'Isa ibn Maryam is the standard formula used by the Qur'an to refer to Jesus.

The Arab asks: "What is the reason that you adore the cross when he did not give you such a commandment in his Gospel?" This the monk counters with the observation:

I think that for you, too, not all your laws and commandments are in the Qur'an which Muhammad taught you; rather there are some which he taught you from the Qur'an, and some are in surat albaqrah and in gygy and in twrh. So also we, some commandments our Lord taught us, some the Holy Spirit uttered through the mouths of its servants the Apostles, and some were made known to us by means of teachers who directed and showed us the Way of Life and the Path of Light.

The Chapter (sura) of the Cow (al-baqara), now the second in the Qur'an, is evidently considered by the monk to be a separate source of law. In the legend of Bahira it appears as the name of the whole Book, and in the Muslim tradition too there are indications that it had a certain distinctiveness. For example, at the battle of Hunayn, 'Abbas calls his men to arms with the cry: "O followers of the Chapter of the Cow." The identity of the next two alleged sources of Muslim law adduced by the monk is less clear. One might assume them to be also chapters of the Qur'an, but it is not obvious which would be intended. Almost certainly the Gospel and the Torah are meant, and the Syriac is attempting to convey the Arabic names for these scriptures: Injil and Tawrah; the corruption of the letter forms is fairly minor and is easily explained as the result of a thousand years of transmission.

The text is somewhat difficult to date. If the "emir Maslama" whom the Arab serves is to be identified with Maslama ibn 'Abd al-Malik (d. 738), then this would yield a terminus post quem of 710, when he was appointed governor of Mesopotamia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and probably after 717, when he gained notoriety among Christians for his role as commander of the siege of Constantinople. In his account of Muhammad's initiation of the Arabs into monotheism the monk says that "he first brought you to know the one true God, a doctrine which he had received from Sargis Bahira." The association of Sergius and Bahira is not otherwise attested before Thomas Artsruni and Mas'udi, both writing in the early tenth century; 'Abd al-Masih al-Kindi (wr. 820s?) speaks rather of "Sergius surnamed Nestorius and John known as Bahira." It is of course possible that Kindi is confused, but in any case the casual reference here suggests that the story was already well enough known not to require any introduction, and one would not wish to put this before late Umayyad times.

A Maronite Chronicler (8th century)

The following notices appear in a chronicle for the years AG 969-975, i.e., 658-664 AD.

AG 969: Mu'awiya has his sister's son Hudhayfa killed. Ali was slain "while praying at Hira." Mu'awiya went down to Hira and received allegiance from all the Arab forces there.

AG 970: There was an earthquake in Palestine. A dispute was held between the Jacobites and the Maronites "in the presence of Mu'awiya." When the Jacobites were defeated, Mu'awiya ordered them to pay 20,000 denarii. "So it became a custom for the Jacobite bishops that every year they give that sum of gold to Mu'awiya so that he not loose his hand upon them." There was another earthquake. The emperor Constans had his brother Theodore put to death, then went to fight the northern peoples in order to avoid the protests his action had provoked.

AG 971: "Many Arabs gathered at Jerusalem and made Mu'awiya king and he went up and sat down at Golgotha and prayed there. He went to Gethsemane and went down to the tomb of the blessed Mary and prayed in it. In those days when the Arabs were gathered there with Mu'awiya, there was an earthquake," much of Jericho fell, as well as many nearby churches and monasteries.

"In July of the same year the emirs and many Arabs gathered and gave their allegiance to Mu'awiya. Then an order went out that he should be proclaimed king in all the villages and cities of his dominion and that they should make acclamations and invocations to him. He also minted gold and silver, but it was not accepted because it had no cross on it. Furthermore, Mu'awiya did not wear a crown like other kings in the world. He placed his throne in Damascus and refused to go to the seat of Muhammad."

AG 972: A severe frost. Once Mu'awiya had consolidated power, "he reneged on the peace with the Romans and did not accept peace from them any longer, but said: 'If the Romans want peace let them surrender their weapons and pay the tax (gzita).'"

(Folio Missing)

AG 974: Raid of Yazid ibn Mu'awiya upon Constantinople.

AG 975: Raid of Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid, commander of the Arabs of Hems, into Byzantine territory.

The text stops here, but it is probable that it extended further in the original document. The author belonged to the Maronites. The anonymous author has been variously identified as Qays al-Maruni (tenth century) and Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785). Mitigating against an early (7th century) date is the reference to minting of coins by Muslims, which is not reliably attested before Abd al-Malik in the 690s.

Isho'bokht, Metropolitan of Fars (ca. 730-780)

From the preface of his "Composition on the Laws," explaining that his reason for writing is different from that of earlier authors concerning natural science: Rather I came to this composition for the following reasons: I have observed that there are many differences among people in the matter of laws, not only from religion to religion, from language to language and from nation to nation, but also in one and the same religion, nation and language, as in the religion of Christianity. While the Jews in every place have one law, as also the error of the Magians and likewise also those who now rule over us, among the Christians the laws which are determined in the land of the Romans are distinct from those in the land of the Persians, and they in turn are distinct from those in the land of the Aramaeans, and different from Ahwaz, and different in Mayshan, and likewise also in other places. Thus also from district to district and city to city there are many differences in the matter of laws. And though the religion of the Christians is one, the law is not one and the same and we shall speak of the reason for that later. Moreover, we have learnt that in the same place the laws determined by earlier generations are other than the later generations, each man according to his knowledge and according to his wish. Because of this I desired to assemble, as far as possible, those things which I have learnt from the tradition of the earlier generations, whether from those fathers who were in our churches or from those who were in other churches, and also what I arrive at from straight thinking, and then to put it in this book for the education of myself and of those who, like me, felt in need of such instruction. (Corpus iuris, 1.1.8-10 pp. 206-207)

Stephen of Alexandria (775-785)

The story of Epiphanius, an Arab merchant, about the "new" and "strange" happenings in Arabia: In the desert of Ethrib there had appeared a certain man from the so-called tribe of Quraysh (Korasianou), of the genealogy of Ishmael, whose name was Muhammad and who said he was a prophet. He appeared in the month of Pharmuti, which is called April by the Romans, of the 932nd year (from the beginning of Philip 571 AD?). He has brought a new expression and a strange teaching, promising to those who accept him victories in wars, domination over enemies and delights in paradise. (Stephen of Alexandria, Horoscope, 21 p. 304)

Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785) from the book (pp. 401-405):

Besides his scientific output Theophilus is also said to have . . . penned a 'fine work of history.' It has been suggested that the latter work is to be identified with the Syriac Common Source that was used by Theophanes, Dionysius of Tellmahre (partially preserved for us by Michael the Syrian and the chronicler of 1234) and Agapius of Manbij for much of their information on events in the Muslim realm. A careful comparison of the chronicles of these three authors confirms this hypothesis. . . .

Theophilus' dependents give very different accounts of Muhammad and the rise of Islam, so it is difficult to be sure of Theophilus' own opinions on the matter. Dionysius and Agapius do, however, follow the same basic outline, which is almost certainly that of Theophilus:

In the year 933/935 of the Greeks, 11/12 of Heraclius, 30/31/33 of Khusrau, Muhammad appeared in the land of Yathrib.

On journeys to Palestine, he had gained some religious knowledge.

  • He now called the Arabs to the worship of the one God.
  • Muhammad gradually won over all the Arabs.
  • Muhammad's followers waged campaigns beyond Arabia, while he remained in Yathrib.
  • Muhammad's teachings.
  • The last section concludes with a description of paradise, which was retained by all and which makes clear their dependency upon a common source:
  • Theophanes: He said that this paradise was one of carnal eating and drinking and intercourse with women, and had a river of wine, honey and milk, and that the women were not like the ones down here, but different ones, and that the intercourse was long-lasting and the pleasure continuous.
  • Dionysius: They say that there is carnal eating and drinking in it, and copulation with glamorous courtesans, beds of gold to lie upon with mattresses of gold and topaz, and rivers of milk and honey.
  • Agapius: He mentioned that in paradise there is food and drink, marriage, rivers of wine, milk and honey, and black-eyed women untouched by man or spirit.
  • Except for this extract, Theophanes almost totally ignores Theophilus for his notice on Muhammad, drawing instead, indirectly, on Jewish and Muslim sources. Agapius abridges Theophilus, as he himself acknowledges, and supplements him with material from the Muslim tradition. That leaves Dionysius, who seems to me to preserve best Theophilus' entry, but confirmation of this will require further research.

T'ung tien (published 801)

From the book (p. 244): "In 801 Tu Yu presented his encyclopaedic administrative tract, the T'ung tien, to the throne. He had begun it as long ago as 768 while serving at Yang-chou on the staff of his patron Wei Yüan-fu, military governor of Huai-nan. Tu Yu was a political thinker on a grand scale, and this original draft dealt with the whole history of human institutions from earliest times down to the end of the reign of emperor Hsüan-tsung (712-56). Over the years he continued to add material on new and important developments. Large sections of the work were not written by Tu Yu himself, but were taken over integrally from the Cheng tien of Liu Chih (d. ca. 760), a political treatise in historical form, and from the K'ai-yüan li, the official ritual code completed in 732."

This particular passage is ultimately based on the experiences of Tu Huan, who was taken to Iraq as a prisoner before returning to China in 762. The first two paragraphs are also found in the T'ang History. The text reads (pp. 245-249):

During the Yung-hui reign period (650-56) of the Great T'ang, the Arabs (Ta-shih) sent an embassy to the court to present tribute. It is said that their country is west of Persia (Po-ssu). Some also say that in the beginning there was a Persian who supposedly had the help of a spirit in obtaining edged weapons with which he killed people, subsequently calling for all the Persians who came and, according to their rank as mo-shou, were transformed into kings. After this the masses gradually gave their allegiance, and subsequently Persia was extinguished and Byzantium (Fulin) was crushed, as were also Indian cities; the Arabs were everywhere invincible. Their soldiers numbered 420,000 and by this time their state was 34 years old. When the original king had died, his office passed to the first mo-shou, and now the king was the third mo-shou; the royal surname is Tu-shih.

The men of this country have noses that are large and long, and they are slender and dark with abundant facial hair like the Indians; the women are graceful. The Arabs also have literature that is different from that of Persia. They raise camels, horses, donkeys, mules, and sheep. The soil is all sandy and stony, unfit for cultivation and without the five grains. All they have to eat is the flesh of camels and elephants. After having crushed Persia and Byzantium, for the first time they had rice and flour. They solemnly worship a celestial spirit. It is also said that their king once sent men to take a ship loaded with provisions and set sail across the sea. When they had sailed for eight years without reaching the western shore, they saw in the middle of the ocean a squarish rock on top of which was a tree with red branches and green leaves. Up in the tree, in clusters, grew little mannikins six or seven inches long. When these saw the men, they did not speak, but they all were able to smile and move their arms and legs. Their heads were attached to the branches of the tree. If a man picked one and put it in his hand, it would wither and turn black. The king's envoys took one branch and brought it back and today it is in the Arab royal residence.

Tu Huan's Ching-hsing chi says: Another name for the capital is Kufa (Ya chü-lo). The Arab king is called mumen, and his capital is located at this place. Both men and women are handsome and tall, their clothing is bright and clean, and their manners are elegant. When a woman goes out in public, she must cover her face irrespective of her lofty or lowly social position. They perform ritual prayers five times a day. They eat meat, fast and they regard the butchering of an animal as meritorious. They wear silver belts about the waist from which they suspend silver daggers. They prohibit the drinking of wine and forbid music. When people squabble among themselves, they do not come to blows. there is also a ceremonial hall which accommodates tens of thousands of people. Every seven days the king comes out to perform religious services; he mounts a high pulpit and preaches the law to the multitudes. He says: "Human life is very difficult, the path of righteousness is not easy, and adultery is wrong. To rob or steal, in the slightest way to deceive people with words, to make oneself secure by endangering others, to cheat the poor or oppress the lowly—there is no sin greater than one of these. All who are killed in battle against the enemies of Islam will achieve paradise. Kill the enemies and you will receive happiness beyond measure."

The entire land has been transformed; the people follow the tenets of Islam like a river its channel, the law is applied only with leniency and the dead are interred only with frugality. Whether inside the walls of a great city or only inside a village gate, the people lack nothing of what the earth produces. Their country is the hub of the universe where myriad goods are abundant and inexpensive, where rich brocades, pearls and money fill the shops while camels, horses, donkeys and mules fill the streets and alleys. They cut sugar cane to build cottages resembling Chinese carrieages. Whenever there is a holiday the nobility are presented with more vessels of glass and flasks and bowls of brass than can be counted. The white rice and white flour are not different from those of China. Their fruits include the peach and also thousand-year dates. Their ripe turnips, as big as a peck, are round and their taste is very delicious, while their other vegetables are like those of other countries. The grapes are as large as hen's eggs. The most highly esteemed of their fragrant oils are two: one called jasmine and the other called myrrh. The most esteemed of their fragrant herbs are also two. . . . Chinese artisans have made first looms for weaving silk fabrics and are the first gold and silversmiths and painters. . . . They also have camels and horse-drawn vehicles. Of their horses tradition says that those born of union between dragons and mares on the coast of the Persian Gulf have the belly small and the feet and ankles long; the good ones do 1000 li in a day. Their camels are small and fast, have a single hump, and the good ones can do 1000 li in a day. There are also ostriches four feet tall and more with feet resembling those of camels; a man can ride on its neck a distance of five or six li and its egg is as big as three pints. There is also the chi tree which has fruit like summer dates that can be used to make oil for food and to cure malaria.

The climate is warm and the land is without ice or snow. The people all suffer from malaria and dysentery; in the space of a year five out of ten die. Today the Arabs have absorbed forty or fifty countries, all of them reduced to subjugation, the Arabs parcelling out their troops so as to secure their territory all the way to the Western ocean. It is also said that Zarang is over 700 li southwest of Amul. Those Persians whose surname is Chu are from this country. Their city is fifteen li square and they have used it to make the gates of their city. In the city there are salt ponds and also two Buddhist establishments. Its territory measures 140 li east to west and 180 li north to south. Villages come one after another and there are trees so close together that they cast interlocking shadows circling them completely; there is quicksand everywhere. To the south there is a large river which flows into their territory and is divided into several hundred canals which irrigate the entire region. The land is fertile and its people clean. The walls =of the buildings are tall and thick and the bazaar is level; the wood is carved and, further, the floors are painted. There are also fine cotton fabrics and lambskin coats, the value of the best of which is estimated at several hundred pieces of silver. The fruits they have include red peaches, white crab-apples, white and yellow plums, and melons, the big ones being called hsün-chih of which but one is enough to make a meal for ten men, and yüeh-kua which are over four feet long. Vegetables include turnips, radishes, long onions, round onions, cabbage, Asian wild rice, creeping beans, indigo, tan-ta, sweet fennel, shallots, bottle gourds and grapes which are especially abundant. There are also oxen, wild horses, ducks and rock chickens.

It is their custom to take the fifth month as the beginning of the year. Every year they give each other gifts of painted jars. There is a bath festival and a swing festival. The Arab governor of the eastern marches resides here and from here all the way to the Persian Gulf Arabs and Persians dwell mixed together. As to their customs, they worship Heaven and do not eat the meat of animals dead of natural causes or meat kept overnight. They smear their hair with fragrant oil.

It is further said that Syria (Shan kuo) is on the western boarder of the Arabs and has a circumference of several thousand li. They build houses with tile roofs and pile up stones to make walls. Rice and grain are very cheap. There is a large river flowing eastward which enters Kufa. Merchants are constantly going and coming, buying and selling grain. The people are large in stature and their clothing is voluminous, somewhat resembling the gown of a Confucian scholar. Syria has five military governorships with over 10,000 soldiers and horses. On the north it borders the Khazar Turks. North of the Khazars are other Turks whose feet resemble those of oxen and who like to eat human flesh.

The Saracens are described as forming the equites (heavy cavalry) from Phoenicia and Thamud.141516 In one document the defeated enemies of Diocletian's campaign in the Syrian Desert are described as Saracens. Other 4th-century military reports make no mention of Arabs but refer to as Saracens groups ranging as far east as Mesopotamia that were involved in battles on both the Sasanian and Roman sides.14151617 The Saracens were named in the Roman administrative document Notitia Dignitatum—dating from the time of Theodosius I in the 4th century—as comprising distinctive units in the Roman army.

Sources (not corresponding to numbering in text):

    1. Crone, 3, It is set in 634 and was "in all probability written in Palestine within a few years of that date". 152³, Crone and Cook argue F. Nau's date of 640 is too late.
    2. Averil Cameron.
    3. Kaegi, Jr., 141
    4. Crone, 4
    5. Kaegi, Jr., 142
    6. Crone, 3-4
    7. Doctrina Jacobi V.16, 209. p. 57
    8. (Patricia Crone-Michael Cook 1976 clarification needed
    9. (Patricia Crone-Michael Cook 1977)
    10. Wells, Colin (2004-02-17). "Yehuda D. Nevo, Judith Koren, Crossroads to Islam: The Origins of the Arab Religion and the Arab State". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. Retrieved 14 December 2006.
    11. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (2012). "Saracen". Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. Cambridge University Press. Archived from the original on 2018. Retrieved 27 April 2012.
    12. Déroche, Vincent; Dagron, Gilbert (1991). Doctrina Jacobi nuper Baptizati, "Juifs et chrétiens dans l'Orient du VIIe siècle"(Edition of the Greek text with French translation ed.). pp. 17–248.
    13. Kirby, Peter. "External references to Islam". External References to Islam.
    14. Kahf 1999, p. 181.
    15. Retsö 2003, p. 96.
    16. Tolan, John V. (6 July 2002). Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination. Columbia University Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-231-50646-5.
    17. Shahîd, Irfan (1984). Rome and the Arabs: A Prolegomenon to the Study of Byzantium and the Arabs. Dumbarton Oaks. p. 125. ISBN 0884021157.
    18. Retsö 2003, p. 457.

Additional Sources (not corresponding to numbering in text)::

    1. A Dark-Age Crisis: Aspects of the Iconoclastic Controversy, English Historical Review 88 (1973), 1-34.
    2. a Dendur,Memoirespresentespar divers savants a l'Academie des Inscrip_
    3. A History of Eastern Christianity (London, 1968).
    4. A Judaeo-Byzantine 14th Vision of Daniel in the Light of a Coptic Apocalypse, Ekklesiastikos Pharos 60 (1978), 645-66.
    5. a l'Islam, 309-18.
    6. A Neglected Census of Heraclius, Sixteenth Annual Byzantine Stud_ ies Conference, Baltimore, October 1990.
    7. A Polemical Work against Karaite and other Sectaries, JQR 12 (1921-22), 123-50.
    8. A Syriac Life of John of Daila.m, PdO 10 (1981-82), 123-89.
    9. A.D. Pmceedings of the Fou1·th International Conference, Second Sympo_ sium, 3 vols. (Amman, 1987).
    10. AB 30 (1911), 393-427.
    11. AB 85 (1967), 285-316.
    12. Abd al-Malik and the Dorne of the Rock: an Analysis of Some Texts, in Raby and Johns, eds., Bayt al-Maqdis, 89-103.
    13. Abraham's Sacrifice of his Son and Related Issues, Der Islam 67 (1990), 243-77.
    14. Abu Man ur al-'Ij!I and the Mansuriyya: a Study in Medieval Ter_ rorism, Der Islam 54 (1977), 66-76.
    15. Administrative Literature, in Young et al., eds., CHALAP, 155-67.
    16. Adontz, :('licholas. Armenia in the Period of Justinian (tr. Nina G. Garsoi:an; Lisbon, 1970).
    17. Aegyptus 65 (1985), 107-15.
    18. Afinogenov, E. Some Observations on Genres of Byzantine Historiography,
    19. Akbar, Jamel. I<haHa and the Territorial Structure of Early Muslim Towns,
    20. al-Andalus 15 (1950), 289-96.
    21. Al-BazclawT on the Qibla in Early Islamic Transoxania, Journal for the History of Arabic Science 7 (1983), 1-38.
    22. Albert, Micheline. Une centurie de Mar Jean bar Penkaye, Melanges Antoine Guillaumont: Contributions a l 'etude des christianismes orientaux (Geneva,
    23. Album, Stephen. Sasanian Motifs used in Islamic Coinage, The Celator, July 1988, i, xviii-xxi.
    24. Alcock, Anthony. The Life of Samuel of Kalamun by Isaac the Presbyter (Warmin_ ster, 1983).
    25. Alexander, Paul J. The Patriarch Nicephorus of Constantinople (Oxford, 1958).
    26. Ali, Saleh A. el-. Muslim Estates in Hidjaz in the First Century A.H., JESHO
    27. also published separately (New York, 1903) with same pagination.
    28. Amelineau, E. Un document copte du XIIIe siecle: martyre de Jean de Phanidjoit, JA ser. viii, 9 (1887), 113-90.
    29. Amoretti, B.S. Sects and Heresies, in Frye, ed., CH!r. 4, 481-519.
    30. An Answer to the Dhimmis, JAOS 41 (1921), 383-457. Grabar, Oleg. The Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven, 1973).
    31. An Early Islamic Apocalyptic Chronicle, JNES 52 (1993), 25-29.
    32. An Early Syriac Life of Maximus the Confessor, AB 91 (1973), 299-346; repr. in idem, Syriac Perspectives, XII.
    33. An Early Theologico-Polemical Work, Hebrew Union College Annual
    34. An Unedited Copto-Arabic Apocalypse of Shenute from the Four_ teenth Century: Prophecy and History, Acts of the Sixth International Congress of Coptic Studies, Munster, July 1996.
    35. Analyse de l'histoire du couvent de Sabriso de Beith Qoqa, ROG 11 (1906), 182-97.
    36. Anastasios of Sinai, the Hodegos and the Muslims, GOTR 32 (1987), 341-58.
    37. Andrae, Tor. Der Ursprung des Islams und das Christentum (Uppsala and Stock_ holm, 1926).
    38. Anfange nwslimischer Thwlogie. Zwei antiqadaritische Traktate aus dem ersten Jahrhundert der Ffi.ijra (Beirut, 1977).
    39. antagonismessociauxenHaute_ ' Abbasides d'apres Denys de Tell-
    40. Antiochus Mona.chus' Homily on Dreams: an Historical Note, JJS
    41. Apocalypses as Historical Sources, American Historical Review 73 (1968), 997-1018.
    42. Apocalyptic and Other Materials on Early Muslim-Byzantine Wars: a Review of Arabic Sources, ]RAS ser. iii, 1 (1991), 173-207.
    43. Apocrypha Arabica (Studia Sinaitica 8; London, 1901).
    44. Apropos d'un collogue entre le patriarche jacobite Jean ler et 'Amr ibn al-'A. i, JA ser. xi, 13 (1919), 97-110.
    45. Arabic Inscriptions from Sede Boqer-Map 167, Appendix to Rudolf Cohen, Archaeological Suniey of Israel: Map of Sede Boger West (167) 12-03 (Jerusalem, 1985), 94-102, 103-106.
    46. Arabic Inscriptions. Expedition Philby-Ryckmans-Lippens en Arabie, 2eme partie: Textes epigraphiques, volume 1 (Leuven, 1962).
    47. Arabic Rock Inscriptions from the Negev, in Archaeological Sur_ vey of Israel: Ancient Rock Inscriptions. St1pplement lo Map of Har Nafo..a
    48. Arabica 36 (1989), 327-61.
    49. Arabs in Sixth-Century Syria: Some Archaeological Observations,
    50. Arabs in Syriac Literature before the Rise oflslam, JSAI 4 (1984), 89-124.
    51. Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    52. Arat, M. Kristin. Bischof Sebeos und die ersten Aussagen der Armenier zum Islam, al-Masiiq 6 (1993), 107-129.
    53. Archaeologica Orientalia in memoriam Ernst Herzfeld (Locust Valley, New York, 1952).
    54. Archeion: Archivio di storia della scienza 15 (1933), 1-15.
    55. Architecture and Astronomy: the Ventilators of Medieval Cairo and Their Secrets, JAOS 104 (1984), 97-133.
    56. Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litleraire du Moyen Age 37 (1970), 149-68.
    57. Armenian Variations on the Bal ira Legend, Harvard Ukrainian Stud_ ies 3-4 (1979-80), 884-95.
    58. Arnbische Paliiographie, 2 vols. (Osterreichische Akademie der Wis_ senschaften; Vienna, 1967-71).
    59. Arnold, Sir Thomas W. The Preaching of Islam: a History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith (revised edition; London, 1913).
    60. Arzoumanian, Zaven. A Critique of Sebeos and his History of Heraclius, a Seventh-Century Document, in Samuelian, ed., Classical Armenian Cul_ ture, 68-78.
    61. Aspects meconnus des Annales d'Eutyches, ZDMG supplement 4 (1980), 151-53.
    62. Aspects of Communal Identity in Umayyad Poetry, in Conrad, ed.,
    63. Aspects religieux des textes epigraphiques du debut de ]'Islam, Revue du monde musulman et de la Mediterranee 58 (1990), 30-39.
    64. Assaf, S. Teqiifat ha-ge'onim ve-sifriitiih (Jerusalem, 1955).
    65. Assemani, Joseph Simonius. (BO =) Bibliotheca orientalis clementino-vaticana,
    66. Assyrie chretienne, 3 vols. (Beirut, 1965-68).
    67. Astrology, in Young et al., eds., CHALAP, 290-300. Podskalsky, G. Byzantinische Reichseschatologie (Munich, 1972).
    68. Athamina, Khalil. A 'riib and Muhiijiriin in the Environment of Am,siir, Studia Islamica 66 (1987), 5-25.
    69. Atiya, Aziz Surya!. The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai: a Handlist (Balti_ more, 1955).
    70. Atiya, George. Al-jadal al-d1n1 al-n1asn!1 al-islam1 fi 1-'a r al-umaw1 wa-athruhu fi nushii' 'ilm al-kalam, in Bakhit and Schick, eds., Biliid al-Sham during the Umayyad Period, 1.407-26.
    71. Attributed to al-Haytham ibn 'Adi, Oriens 31 (1988), 67-81.
    72. Author Title
    73. Author Title
    74. Authors and Texts in By::antium (Variorum CS 400; Aldershot, 1993). Kedar, Benjamin Z. Yehud1111 ve-Shomron1m be-ma.mlekhet Yerushalayim ha_
    75. Authorship and Transmission in Unauthored Literature: the Akhbiir
    76. Autour de la biographie de Rabban Bar 'Eta, L'Orient syrien 11 (1966), 1-16.
    77. Auzepy, Marie France. La destruction de l'icone du Christ de la Chalce par Leon
    78. Avdoyan, Levon. Pseudo-Yovhannes Mamikonean: the History of Taran (Atlanta, Georgia, 1993).
    79. Avi-Yonah, Michael. The Jews of Palestine: a Political History from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab Conqt1est (Oxford, 1976).
    80. Avni, qideon. Early Mosques in the Negev Highlands: New Archaeological Evi_ dence on Islamic Penetration of Southern Palestine, Bulletin of the Ameri_ can Schools of Oriental Research 294 (1994), 83-100.
    81. Ayoub, Mahmoud. Religious Freedom and the Law of Apostasy in Islam, Is_ lamochristiana 20 (1994), 75-91.
    82. Baer, Eva. The Mihrab in the Cave of the Dome of the Rock, Muqarnas 3 (1985), 8-19.
    83. Bagnall, Roger S. Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993). Bailey, H.W. Iranian Studies, BSOAS 6 (1930-32), 945-55.
    84. Bahram Cobin and the Persian Apocalyptic Literature, Acta Orien_ talia {Hungarica) 8 (1958), 21-43.
    85. Bakhit, Muhammad Adnan, and Asfour, Muhammad, eds. Bilad al-Sham during the Byzantine Period: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference, First Symposium, 2 vols. (Amman, 1986).
    86. Bamberger, Bernard J. A Messianic Document of the Seventh Century, Hebrew Union College Annual 15 (1940), 425-31.
    87. Baneth, D.Z. Teshuvot ve-he'arot 'al 'aseret l)averav ha-yehudim she! Miil)am_ mad, Tarbiz 3 (1932), 112-16.
    88. Baras, Zvi. Ha-kibush ha-ParsI ve-shilhe ha-shilton ha-b1zanF, in idem et al., eds., Eretz Israel from the Destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim Conquest (Jerusalem, 1982), 300-49.
    89. Bardy, Gustave. Les Trophees de Damas: controverse jucleo-chretienne du VIIe siecle, PO 15 (1921), 171-291.
    90. Barkai, Ron. Cristianos y musulmanes en la Espana medieval. El enemigo en el espejo (Madrid, 1984).
    91. Baron, Salo Wittmayer. (SRHJ =) A Social and Religious History of the Jews,
    92. Barsaum, Ignatius Afram. Al-lu 'lu' al-manthiir fi ta 'r'ikh al- 'uliim wa-l-iidiib al_ suryiin'iya (Baghdad, 1976).
    93. Barthold, W. Die Orientierung der ersten muhammedanischen Moscheen, Der Islam 18 (1929), 245-50.
    94. Bashear, Sulima.i1. Muqaddima fi I-ta 'r'i/.:h al-ii/.:har (Jerusalem, 1984).
    95. Bashir/Beser: Boon Companion of the Byzantine Emperor Leo III: the Islamic Recension of his Story in Leiden Oriental Ms. 951(2) , Le Museon 103 (1990), 293-327.
    96. Bates, Micha.el L. History, Geography and Numismatics in the First Century of Islamic Coinage, Revue Suisse de Numismatique 65 (1986), 231-61.
    97. Baudoux, Claire. A propos de la. lettre du patriarche Timothee au pretre et docteur Pethion, Annuaire de l 'institut de philologie et d 'histoire oriental es 3 (1935), 37-40.
    98. Baumstark, Anton. Eine syrische Weltgeschichte des siebten Jahrh.s., Romische Quartalschrift 15 (1901), 273-80.
    99. Baynes, Norman H. The 'Pratum Spirituale,''' OCP 13 (1947), 404-414; repr. in
    100. Beck, Hans Georg. J\'irche tmd theologische Literatur im. byzantinischen Reich
    101. Beck, Hildebrand. Vorsehung und Vorherbestimmung in der theologischen Liter_ atur de·r Byzantiner (Orientalia christiana analecta 114; Rome, 1937).
    102. Becker, C.H. Eine neue christliche Quelle zur Geschichte des Islam, Der Islam
    103. Beeston, A.F.L., et al., eds. ( CHALUP =) Cambridge History of Arabic Liter_ ature: Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period (Cambridge, 1983).
    104. Behbehani, Hashim S.H. Arab-Chinese Military Encounters: Two Case Studies 715-751 A.D., Aram 1 (1989), 65-112.
    105. Beitriige zur Geschichte der Eschatologie, Zeitschrift I<irchen_ geschichte 20 (1899), 103-31, 261-90.
    106. Bell, H.I. The Administration of Egypt under the Umayyad Khalifs, BZ 28 (1928), 278-86.
    107. Benveniste, Emile. Une apocalypse pehlevie: le Ziimasp-Niimak, RHR 106 (1932), 337-80.
    108. Berger, David. Three Typological Themes in Early Jewish Messianism: Mes_ siah son of Joseph, Rabbinic Calculations, and the Figure of Armilus, AJS Review (Journal of the Association for Jewish Studies) 10 (1985), 141-64.
    109. Berger, Klaus. Die griechische Daniel-Diegese. Eine altkirchliche Apokalypse (Stu_ dia post-biblica 27; Leiden, 1976).
    110. Bergstrasser, G. Jf unain ibn Js iaq iiber die syrischen und arabischen Galen_ Ubersetzungen (Anhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 17.2; Leipzig, 1925).
    111. Berthelot, Marcelin. Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs (Paris, 1887-88).
    112. Between Muslim and Jew: the Problem of Symbiosis under Early Islam
    113. Bezold, Carl. Die Schatzhohle, translation and text in 2 parts (Leipzig, 1883-88).
    114. Bibliogra.phy II 817
    115. Bibliography 11 767
    116. Bignami-Odier, Jeanne, and Levi Della Vida,Giorgio.Une version latine de l'apocalypse syro-arabe de Serge-Bahira, Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire 62 (1950), 125-48.
    117. Bilad al-Sham during the Early Islamic Period up to 40 A.H./640
    118. Bishai, Wilson B. The Transition from Coptic to Arabic, Muslim World 53 (1963), 145-50.
    119. Blair, Sheila. S. What is the Date of the Dome of the Rock?, in Raby and Johns, eds., Bayt al-Maqdis, 59-87.
    120. Blake, Robert P. Deux la.cunes comblees da.ns la Pa.ssio XX monachorum sabaitarum, AB 68 (1950), 27-43.
    121. Blankinship, Khalid. The End of the Jihad State: the Reign of Hishiim ibn 'Abd al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads (Albany, New York, 1994).
    122. Blichfeldt, Jan-Olaf. Early Mahdism: Politics and Religion in the Formative Pe_ riod of Islam (Leiden, 1985).
    123. Blumenthal, H.J. John Philoponus and Stephanus of Alexandria: Two Neopla._ tonic Christian Commentators on Aristotle?, in Dominic J. O'Meara, ed., Neoplatonism and Christian Thought (Albany, New York, 1982), 54-63.
    124. Boer, S. de. Rome, the 'Tra.nslatio Imperii' and the Early Christian Interpretation of Daniel II and VII, Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 21 (1985), 181- 218.
    125. Boisson-Chenorhokian, P. La liste des patria.rches a.rmeniens par le Catholicos Yovhannes Drasxana.kertc'i (Xe siecle), REA 22 (1990-91), 185-202.
    126. Boll, Franz. Beitrage zur Uberlieferungsgeschichte der griechischen Astrologie und Astronomie, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der historischen J{lasse der k.b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen (Mu_ nich, 1899), Heft 1, 77-140.
    127. Bonner, Campbell. The l\faiclen's Strat.agern, Byzantion 16 (1942-43), 142-61.
    128. Bonwetsch, N. Ein antimonophysitischer Dialog, Nachrichten der koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, philologisch-historische masse (Berlin, 1909), Heft 2, 123-59.
    129. Boor, Carolus de. Theophanis chronographia, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1883-85). Bosworth, C.E. The Tahirids and Arabic Culture, JSS 14 (1969), 45-79.
    130. Bouamama, Ali. La litterature polemique musulmane contre le christianisme depuis ses origines jusqu'au Xllle siecle (Algiers, 1988).
    131. Bousset, Wilhelm. Der Antichrist in der Uberlieferung des Judentums, des Neuen Testaments und cler alten I<irche (Gottingen, 1895).
    132. Bouvy, Edmond. Poetes et melodes: etude sur les origines du rythme tonique clans l 'hymnographie de l 'Eglise grecque (Nimes, 1886).
    133. Bowersock, G.W. Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Jerome Lectures 18; Cambridge, 1990).
    134. Boyce, Mary. Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices (London and Boston, 1979).
    135. Bracke, Raphael. Ad Sancti vitam. Stuclie van de biografische clocu_ menten en de levensbeschrijvingen betreffencle lvfaximus Confessor (Leuven, 1980).
    136. Brandes, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte des friihen Byzanz, 245-59.
    137. Brandes, Wolfram. Die a.pokalyptische Literatur, in Winkelmann and Brandes, eds., Quell en ::ur Geschichte des friihen Byzanz, 305-22.
    138. Braslavski, I. Hat Weffd II den Jordan ablenken wollen? (Ein Beitrag zu den 'Mysterien des R. Simeon b. Jochai') , Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 13 (1933), 97-100.
    139. Bratke, Eduard. Handschriftliche Uberlieferung und Bruchstiicke der arabisch_ aethiopischen Petrus-Apokalypse, Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie 36.1 (1893), 454-93.
    140. Braude, William G. Pesikta rabbati: Discourses for Feasts, Fasts and Special Sab_ baths, 2 parts (Yale Judaica 18; New Haven, 1968).
    141. Braun, Oskar. Briefe des Katholikos Timotheos I, OC 2 (1902), 1-32.
    142. Breckenridge, James D. The Numismatic lcongraphy of Justinian II (American Numismatic Society Notes and Monographs 144; New York, 1959).
    143. Brehier, Louis. Le situation des chretiens de Palestine a la fin du VII le siecle et l'etablissement du protectorat de Charlemagne, Le Moyen Age 30 (1919), 67-75.
    144. Bretschneider, E. On the Knowledge Possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs and Arabian Colonies (London, 1871).
    145. Breydy, Michael. La conquete arabe de l'Egypte: un fragment du traditionniste 'Uthman ibn $alil (144-219 AH = 761-834 AD), identifie clans les Annales
    146. Briere, Maurice. Les homilae cathedrales de Severe d'Antioche: traduction syri_ aque de Jacques d'Edesse, PO 12 (1919), 3-163.
    147. British Society of Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin 8 (1981), 93-98.
    148. Brock, Sebastian P. A Calendar Attributed to Jacob of Edessa, PdO 1 (1970), 415-29.
    149. Brockelmann, Carl. ( GAL =) Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, 2 vols. and 3 supplements (Leiden, 1937-49).
    150. Brooks, E.W. A Syriac Chronicle of the Year 846, ZDMG 51 (1897), 569-88.
    151. Broomhall, Marshall. Islam in China: a Neglected Pmblem. (London, 1910).
    152. Brown, Peter. The World of Late Antiquity AD 150-750 (London, 1971).
    153. Bryer, Anthony, and Herrin, Judith, eds. Iconoclasm: Papers given at the Ninth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, March 1975 (Birmingham, 1977).
    154. BSOAS 47 (1984), 22-43.
    155. BSOAS IO (1940-42), 843-61.
    156. Budge, E.A. Wallis. The Book of Governors: the Historia Monastica of Thomas Bishop of Marga A.D. 840, 2 vols. (London, 1893).
    157. Bulliet, Richard W. Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: an Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, Mass., 1979).
    158. Burman, Thomas E. Religious Polemic and the Intellectual Histo1·y of the Mozarabs, c. 1050-1200 (Leiden, 1994).
    159. Burrows, Millar. Daroma, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 12 (1932), 142-48.
    160. Burton-Christie, Douglas. The Word in the Desert: Scripture and the Quest for Holiness in Early Christian Monasticism (Oxford, 1993).
    161. Bury, J.B. The Treatise De administrando imperio, BZ 15 (1906), 517-77. Busse, Heribert. 'Omar b. al-ljattab in Jerusalem, JSAI 5 (1984), 73-119.
    162. Butler, Alfred J. The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty Years of the Roman Dominion (revised edition by P.M. Fraser; Oxford, 1978).
    163. By::antinisch-Neugriechische Jahrbiicher 20 (1970), 302-18.
    164. Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East IV, forthcoming.
    165. Byzantine Coinage and its Imitations, Arab Coinage and its Imita_ tions: Arab-Byzantine Coinage, Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    166. Byzantine Iconoclasm during the Reign of Constantine V with Par_ ticular Attention to the Orie11tal Sources ( CSCO 384 subsidia 52; Leuven, 1977).
    167. Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London, 1955).
    168. Byzantines and Jews: Some Recent Work on Early Byzantium (re_ view art.), Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 1996, forthcoming.
    169. Byzantion 18 (1948), 163-95.
    170. Byzantion 51 (1981), 653-57.
    171. Byzantion 62 (1992), 13-33.
    172. Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Works and Motifs: the Legend of the Last Roman Emperor, Medievalia et Humanistica 2 (1971), 47-68.
    173. Byzantium and the in the Seventh Century: the Search for Redefinition, in Fontaine and Hillga.rth, eds., Le septiem.e siecle, 250-76; repr. in Cameron, Changing Cultures, V.
    174. Byzantium: Tribute to Andreas N. Strntos (Athens, 1986), 2.539-52.
    175. Byzantium. and its Im.age: History and Culture of the Byzantine Empire and its Heritage (Variorum CS 191; London, 1984).
    176. Byzantium. and the Early Islamic Conquests (Cambridge, 1992).
    177. Byzantium., the Empire of New Rome (London, 1980).
    178. Cabaniss, Allen. Paulus Albarus of Muslim Cordova, Church History 22 (1953).
    179. Caetani, Leone. Annali dell'Islam, 10 vols. (Milan, 1905-26).
    180. Cahen, Claude. Fiscalite, propriete, Mesopotamie au temps des premiers Mahre, Arabica 1 (1954), 136-52.
    181. Calder, Norman. StudiesinEarly MuslimJurisprudence(Oxford, 1993). Cameron, Alan. Cyril ofScythopolis, V. Sabae 53; a. Note on katci in Late Greek,
    182. Cameron, Averil, eds. The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II: Land Use and Settlement Patterns (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1.2; Princeton, 1994).
    183. Cameron, Averil. The Byzantine Sources of Gregory of Tours, Journal of The_ ological Studies 26 (1975), 421-26.
    184. Campbell, Mary B. The Witness and the Other World: Exotic European Travel Writing 400-1600 (Ithaca, New York, 1988).
    185. Canart, Paul. Une nouvelle anthologie monastique: le vaticanus graecus 2592,
    186. Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrie de By::ance a ['Islam, 67-74.
    187. Canivet, Pierre, and Rey-Coquais, Jean-Paul, eds. La Syrie de Byzance a l'Islam Vlle- VIIIe siecles: actes du collogue international Lyon, Septembre 1990 (Damascus, 1992).
    188. Carlier, Patricia. Qastal al-Balqa': an Umayyad Site in Jordan, in Bakhit and Schick, eds., Bilad al-Sham during the Umayyad Period, 2.104-39.
    189. Carmi, T. The Penguin Book of Hebrew Verse (London, 1981).
    190. Casanova, Paul. Mohammed et la fin du monde: etude c1·itique sur /'Islam primi_ tif, 2 parts in 1 vol. (Paris, 1911-13).
    191. Casey, Maurice. The Fourth Kingdom in Cosmas Indicopleustes and the Syrian Tradition, Rivista di storia e letternturn religiosa 25 (1989), 385-403.
    192. Caspar, Robert, et al.. Bibliographie du dialogue islamo-chretien, lslamochris_ tiana, in each issue from 1 (1975).
    193. Catalogue of the Coptic Manuscripts zn the Collection of the John Rylands Library (Manchester, 1909).
    194. Cauwenbergh, Paul van. Etude sur les moines d'Egypte depuis le Concile de Chalcedoine (451) jusqu'a /'invasion arnbe (640) (Paris, 1914).
    195. Cavallo, G., and Maehler, H. Greek Bookhands of the Early Byzantine Period A.D. 300-800 (Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Supplement 47; London, 1987).
    196. Certeau, Michel de. La fable mystique, 1: XVle-XVlle siecle (Paris, 1982).
    197. CH!r. 4, 543-65.
    198. Chabot, J.B. L'apocalypse d'Esdras touchant le royaume des arabes, Revue semitique 2 (1894), 242-50, 333-46.
    199. Chadwick, Henry. John Moschus and his Friend Sophronius the Sophist, Journal of Theological Studies 25 (1974), 41-74.
    200. Chaine, M. Le Chronicon orientale de Butros Ibn a.r-Rahib et l'histoire de Girgis el-Makim, ROG 28 (1931-32), 390-405.
    201. CHALUP, 460-82.
    202. CHALUP, 483-96.
    203. Changing Cultures in Early Byzantium (Variorum CS 536; Aldershot,
    204. Charakler und Aulhentie der muslimische [Tberlieferung uber das Leben Mohammeds (Berlin, 1996).
    205. Charlesworth, James H. The Old Testament Pseudepigrnpha, Volume 1: Apoca_ lyptic Literntui·e and Testaments (London, 1983).
    206. Chavannes, Edouard. Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Tures) occidentaux (Sbornik trudov orkhonskoj expeditsii 6; St. Petersburg, 1903).
    207. Cheikho, Hanna P. Dialectique du langage sur Dieu: lettre de Timothee I (728- 823) a Serge (Rome, 1983).
    208. Cheikho, Louis. Al-tawiir1kh al- na9riin1ya fi I-'arabiya, al-Machriq 12 (1909), 481-506
    209. Chesnut, Glenn F. The First Ch1·istian Histories: Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret and Evagrius (Paris, 1977).
    210. Chitty, Derwas J. The Desert a City: an Introduction to the Study of Egyptian and Palestinian Monasticism under the Christian Empire (Oxford, 1966).
    211. Choksy, Jamsheed K. Zoroastrians in Muslim Iran: Selected Problems of Coex_ istence and Interaction during the Early Medieval Period, Iranian Studies 20 (1987), 17-30.
    212. Christensen, Arthur. L 'Iran sous les Sassanzdes (revised edition; Copenhagen,
    213. Christian Arabic Literature in the 'Abbasid Period, in Young et al.,
    214. Christian Martyrs in Muslim Spain (Cambridge, 1988).
    215. Christian Scribes in the Arabic Empire, in Heikki Paiva and Knut
    216. Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire: the Development of Christian Discourse (Sather Classical Lectures 55; Berkeley, 1991).
    217. Christians in the Sasanid Empire: a Case of Divided Loyalties, in Stuart Mews, ed., Religion and National Identity (Studies in Church History 18; Oxford, 1982), 1-19; repr. in Brock, Syriac Perspectives, VI.
    218. Christians, Jews and Muslims in Northern Mesopotamia in Early Islamic Times: the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles and Related Texts, in
    219. Christlich-arabische Text.e. Zwei Disputationen zwischen Muslimen und Christen, Veroffentlichungen aus den badischen Papyrus-Samm.lungen
    220. Christliche Polemik und islamische Dogmenbildung, Zeitschrift fiir Assyrologie 26 (1912), 175-95.
    221. Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d'Antioche (1166- 99), 4 vols. (1899-1910); the Introduction to the first volume was also pub_ lished separately (Paris, 1924).
    222. Chryssavgis, John. John Climacus: a Biographical Note, The Patristic and Byzantine Review 4 (1985), 209-18.
    223. Cinq lettres de Jacques d'Edesse a Jean le Stylite (traduction et analyse), ROG 14 (1009), 427-40.
    224. Ciotta 56 (1978), 87-94.
    225. Clermont-Ganneau, C. The Taking of Jerusalem by the Persians A.D. 614, Pales_ tine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement 1898, 36-54.
    226. Cohen, Zemira, and Heftman, Dalia.(AAINJ=) Ancient Ara_ bic Inscriptions from the Negev, Volume 1 (Midreshet Ben-Gurion, Negev, 1993).
    227. Cohen, Gerson David. The Book of Tradition (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) by Abraham ibn Daud (London, 1969).
    228. Cohen, Mark R. Under Crescent and Cross: the Jews in the Middle Ages (Prince_ ton, 1994).
    229. Cohn, Nprman. The Pursuit of the Millennium (revised edition; London, 1970).
    230. Colbert, Edward P. The Martyrs of Cordoba (850-859): a Study of the Sources
    231. Collins, John J. Persian Apocalypses, Semeia 14 (1979), 207-17.
    232. Collins, Roger. The Arab Conquest of Spain 710-797 (Oxford, 1989).
    233. Colpe, Carsten. Die Mhagraye-Hinweise auf ein arabisches Judenchristentum?,
    234. Combe, Etienne, et al.. (RCEA =) Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe, tome premier (Institut fran,:;ais d'archeologie orientale; Cairo, 1931).
    235. Commenta.ire sur l'etude de Cecile Morrisson, in Canivet and Rey_, eds., Syrie de Byzance a ['Islam, 319-21.
    236. Compte-rendu de: Woodbroke Studies, vol. II: 1. Timothy's Apology for Christianity, 2. The Lament of the Virgin, 3. The Martyrdom of Pilate, edited and translated by A. Mingana, RHR 100 (1929), 241-46.
    237. Conquerors and Chroniclers of EC1rly Medieval Spain (Translated Texts for Historians 9; Liverpool, 1990).
    238. Conquerors and Conquered: Iran, in Juynboll, ed., First Century of Islamic Society, 73-87.
    239. Conrad, Lawrence I. Abraha and Mul1ammad: Some Observations apropos of Chronology and Literary Topoi in the Early Arabic Historical Tradition, BSOAS 50 (1987), 22.5-40.
    240. Conrad, Lawrence I., eds. The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I: Problems in the Literary Source Material (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1.1; Princeton, 1992).
    241. Constantelos, Demetrios J. The Moslem Conquests of the Near East as Revealed in the Greek Sources of the Seventh and the Eighth Centuries, Byzantion 42 (1972), 325-57.
    242. Constantine or Justinian? Crisis and Identity in Imperial Propaganda in the Seventh Century, in Paul Magdalino, ed., New Constantines: the Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in Byzantium, 4th-13th Centuries (Variorum; Aldershot, 1994), 95-107.
    243. Conversion and Continuity, 123-33.
    244. Conversion Stories in Early Islam, in Gervers and Bikhazi, eds.,
    245. Conversion to Islam and the Emergence of a Muslim Society in Iran, in Nehemiah Levtzion, ed., Conuersion to Islam. (New York and London, 1979), 30-51.
    246. Cook, David. Muslim Apocalyptic and Jihad, JSAI 20, forthcoming. Cook, Michael A. The Origins of I\·alam, BSOAS 43 (1980), 32-43.
    247. Coope, Jessica A. The Martyrs of Cordoba: Community and Family Conflict in an Age of Mass Conversion (Nebraska, 1995).
    248. Coptic Apocrypha in the Dialect of Upper Egypt (London, 1913). Buhl, Frants. Das Leben Muhammeds (tr. Hans Heinrich Schaeder; Leipzig, 1930). Buk, Herm. Zur altesten christlichen Chronographie des Islam, BZ 14 (1905),
    249. Coquin, Rene Georges. Quelle est la elate possible de la recension de Basse-Egypte du synaxaire des coptes, Eludes Coples IV (Ca.biers de la bibliotheque copte 8; Leuven and Paris, 1995), 75-84.
    250. Corrigan, Kathleen. Visual Polemics in the Ninth-Century Byzantine Psalters
    251. Creswell, K.A.W. A Short Account of Early !11uslim Architecture (revised edition by James W. Allan; Aldershot, 1989).
    252. Croke, Brian, and Emmett, Alanna M., eds. History and Historians in Late An_ tiquity (Sydney, 1983).
    253. Crone, Patricia, and Cook, :rvlichael. Hagarism: the Making of the Islamic World
    254. Crossroads to Islam, typescript (publication halted by the author's death in February 1992).
    255. Crum, W.E. Catalogue of the Coptic Manuscripts in the British Museum (London,
    256. Cultural Interaction during the Urnayyad Period: the 'Circle' of John of Damascus, Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    257. Cumont, Franz, et al .. (CCAG =) Catalogus codicum astrologorum graecorum,
    258. Cutler, Allan. The Ninth-Century Spanish l\Iartyrs' Movement and the Origins of Western Christian Missions to the J\,luslims, Muslim World 55 (1965), 321-39.
    259. Cyprus at the Time of the Arab Conquests, Cyprus Historical Review
    260. Czegledy, Karoly. Monographs on Syriac and Muhammadan Sources in the Lit_ erary Remains of M. Kmosko, Acta Orientalia {Hungarica) 4 (1954), 19-91.
    261. d'Eutychios d'Alexandrie, PdO 8 (1977-78), 379-96.
    262. Dagorn, Rene. La geste d'Ismae/ d'apres l'onomastique et la tradition arabes
    263. Dagron, Gilbert. Le saint, le savant, l'astrologue: etude de themes ha- giographiques a travers quelques recueils de 'Questions et reponses' des Ve_
    264. Daiber, Hans. Das theologisch-philosophische System des Mu' ibn 'Abbiid as-Sulam.f, gest. 830 n. Chr. (Beirut, 1975).
    265. Dam, Raymond van. Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Ma1·tyrs (Translated Texts for Historians 4; Liverpool, 1988).
    266. Dan, Y. Shene sol arim yehudim be-me'ah ha-shevI'It, Zion 36 (1971), 1-26.
    267. Daniel, Norman. Islam and the West: the Making of an Image (Edinburgh, 1960).
    268. Daniel,, Elton. L. The Political and Social History of [\hurasan under Abbasid Rule 74 7-820 (Minneapolis and Chicago, 1979).
    269. Danner, Victor. Arabic Literature in Iran, in Frye, ed., CHir. 4, 566-94.
    270. Darmesteter, James. L'apocalypse persane de Daniel, in !-vfelanges (Leon) Re- nier (Bibliotheque de l'ecole des hautes etudes 73; Paris, 1887), 405-20.
    271. Das arabische Reich in der Weltgeschichte des Jolfannan bar Penkaje, in P.O. Scholz and R. Stempel, eds., Nubia et Oriens Christianus. Festchrift fiir C.D.G. Muller (Bibliotheca Nubica 1; Koln, 1988), 59-71.
    272. Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz (Berlin, 1902).
    273. Das Chronikon des Maroniten Theophilus ibn Tuma, Journal of Oriental and African Stvdies (Athens) 2 (1990), 34-46.
    274. Das I\'itab al-irgii' des f:lasan b. Mul,ammad b. al- Ianafiyya, Arabica
    275. Das Reich der Ismaeliten im koptischen Danielbuch, Nachrichten der koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, philologisch_ historische Klasse (Berlin, 1916), Heft 1, 7-57.
    276. Dating Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Some More Comments, JJS 41 (1990), 57-61.
    277. Day, Florence E. The 'fira.z Silk of Marwii.n, in Miles, ed., Archaeologica Orien_ talia, 39-61.
    278. De la Palestine a Constantinople (VIIIe-IXe siecles): Etienne le Sabaite et Jean Damascene, Travaux et Memoires 12 (1994), 183-218.
    279. De la cathedrale de Damas a la mosquee omayyade, in Canivet. and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrze de By::ance a ['Islam, 139-44.
    280. Deeters, Gerhard. Die georgische Literatur, Handbuch der Orientalistik, 7: ar_ menisch 1mcl /.:aukasische Sprachen (Leiden, 1963), 129-55.
    281. Defining Jewish Identity in the Late Antique and Early Islamic Near East, in Conrad, ed., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East IV, forthcom_ mg.
    282. Degen, Erika. Daniel bar Maryam, ein nestorianischer Kirchenhistoriker, OC
    283. Degen, Rainer. Zwei 1V1iszellen zur Chronik von Se'ert, OC 54 (1970), 76-95.
    284. Dekkers, Eligius. Clewis patrum latinorum (Corpus christianorurn series latina; Brepols, 1995).
    285. Delehaye, Hippolyte. Passio sanctorum sexaginta martyrum, AB 23 (1904), 289-307.
    286. Dennett, Daniel C. Conversion and Poll-Tax m Early Islam (Cambridge, Mass.,
    287. Der Islam 68 (1991), 87-107.
    288. Der Islam 71 (1994), 1-57.
    289. Der Islam, forthcoming.
    290. Der Stand der Forschungen iiber Benjamin I., den 38. Patriarchen von Alexandrien, ZDMC supplement 1.2 {1969), 404-10.
    291. Deroche, Vincent. Juifs et chretiens dans !'Orient du VIIe siecle, Travaux et Memoires 11 (1991), 17-273. This comprises Intro_ duction historique by Dagron, 17-46; edition and translation of Doctrina Jacobi by Deroche, 47-229; and a commentary ( Le scenario et ses ancrages historiques by Dagron, 230-47; Les intentions de !'auteur by Deroche, 248-73).
    292. Deroche, Vincent. L'authenticite de lApologie contre !es Juifs' de Leontios de Neapolis, Bulletin de correspondence hellenique 110 (1986), 655-69.
    293. Deux etudes sur Byzance et la Perse sassanide, Travaux et Memoires
    294. Devreesse, Robert. La Vie de S. Maxime le Confesseur et ses recensions, AB 46 (1928), 5-49.
    295. Dexinger, Ferdinand, and Seibt, Werner. A Hebrew Lead Seal from the Period of the Sasanian Occupation of Palestine (614-629 A.O.), Revue des etudes juives 140 (1981), 303-17.
    296. Dialogue islamo-chret.ien a propos de publications recentes, Revue des eludes is/am iques 46 (1978), 121-51.
    297. Diaz y Diaz, Manuel C. La transmisi6n textual de! Biclarense, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 35 (1962), .57-76.
    298. Dick, Ignace. La Passion arabe de S. Antoine Ruwal , neo-martyr de Damas (t
    299. Dictionnaire de theologie catholique 3 (1906-1908), 216-19.
    300. Die Einleitung zu David ben Merwans Religionsphilosophie wiederge_ funden, Monatsschrift Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 66 (1922), 48-64.
    301. Die geschichtstheologisclie Reaktion auf die einfallenden Muslime in der edessenischen Apokalyptik des 7. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt am, 1985).
    302. Die Schriflen des Johannes van Damaskos, 5 vols. (Patristische Texte und Studien 7, 12, 17, 22, 29; Berlin, 1969-88).
    303. Die syrischen Wurzeln der mittelalterlichen Legende von romischen Endkaiser, in Martin Gosman and Jaap van Os, eds., Non nova, sed neve:
    304. Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Chronik, Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen A/..:adem ic dcr vfiissenschaflen, philosophisch-historische Xlasse 128 (Vienna, 1893), IX.
    305. Diekamp, Franz. Doctrina Patrum, de incarnatione verbi. Ein griech·isches Flo_ rilegium aus der Wende des siebenten und achten Jahrhunderts (Munster, 1907).
    306. Diem, Werner. Der Gouverneur an den Pagarchen. Ein verkannter Papyrus vom
    307. Dillman, August. Bericht iiber das athiopische Buch Clementinischer Schriften, Nachrichten von der Georg. A11gusts Universitat und cler konigliche Gesell_ schaft der Wissenschaften ::v Gottingen 1858, 185-226.
    308. Disputations, Polemical Literature and the Formation of Opinion in the Early Byzantine Period, in Reinink and Vanstiphout, eds., Dispute Poems and Dialogues, 91-108; repr. in Cameron, Changing Cultures, III.
    309. Disputationspraxis in cler islamischen Theologie. Eine vorliiufige Skizze, Revue des eludes islamiques 44 (1976), 23-60.
    310. Disputes with Muslims in Syriac Christian Texts: from Patriarch John (d. 648) to Bar Hebraeus (d. 1286), in Lewis and Niewi:ihner, eds., Religionsgesprache im Mittelalter, 251-73.
    311. Dixon, 'Abd a.1-Ameer 'Abd. The Umayyad Caliphate 65-86/684-705: a Political Study (London, 1971).
    312. Djai:t, Hichem. Al-K ufa: naissance de la ville islamiqve (Paris, 1986).
    313. Do not assimilate yourselves... :' Lii tashabbahii, JSAI 12 (1989), 321-71.
    314. Donner, Freel M. The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton, 1981).
    315. Donner, Herbert. Die Palastina beschreibung des Epiphanius Monachus Ha_ giopolita, Zeitschrift des cleutschen Palastina- Vereins 87 (1971), 42-91.
    316. DonzeI_ C. van. The Dream of Heraclius and Islam in an Ethiopian Source, in Bakhit and Asfour, eds., Bilii.d al-Sham during the Byzantine Period, 2.206- 11.
    317. Dorries, Hermann. Erotapokriseis, Rea/lexicon fur Antike und Christentum 6 (Stuttgart, 1966), 342-70.
    318. Dowsett, C.J.F. Armenian Historiography, in Lewis and Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East, 259-68.
    319. Drake, F.S. Mohammedanism in the T'ang Dynasty, Monumenta Serica 8 (1943), 1-40.
    320. Drijvers, H.J.W., et al., eds. JV Symposium Syriacum 1984 (Orienta.liachristiana analecta 229; Rome, 1987).
    321. Dubler, Cesar E. Sobre la cr6nica ara.bigo-bizantina de 741 y la influencia bizantina en la Peninsula Iberica, al-Anda/us 11 (1946), 283-349.
    322. Ducellier, Alain. Le miroi-r de l'Isla111: musulmans et clmitiens d'01·ient au Mayen Age, VJJe-Xle siecles (Paris, 1971).
    323. Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. La religion de /'Iran ancien (Paris, 1962). Dulaurier, E. Recherches sur la chronologie armenienne technique et historique,
    324. Duri, A.A. The Rise of Historical Writing among the Arabs (tr. Lawrence I. Con_ rad; Princeton, 198:3).
    325. Dutton, Yasin. Review of: Norman Calder, Studies in Early Muslim Jurispru_ dence, Jounwl of Islamic Studies 5 (1994), 102-108.
    326. Duval, Rubens. La litterature syriaque (Paris, 1900).
    327. Eamon, William. Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Princeton, 1994).
    328. Early Contacts between Byzantium and the Arab Empire: a Review and Some Reconsiderations, in Bakhit, ed., Biliid al-Sham during the Early Islamic Period, 1.125-32.
    329. Early Development of Kalcim, in Juynboll, ed., First Century of Islamic Society, 109-23.
    330. Early Islamic Familyfrom Oman: al- 'Awtabi's Accountofthe Muhallabids (Journal of Semitic Studies Monograph 17; Manchester, 1991).
    331. Early Medieval History (Oxford, 1975).
    332. Early Muslim Dogma: a Source-Critical Study (Cambridge, 1981).
    333. Ebied, R.Y., and Young, M.J.L. Extracts in Arabic from a Chronicle Erroneously Attributed to Jacob of Edessa, Orienlalia Lovaniensia Periodica 4 (1973), 177-96.
    334. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, and Gregory, Peter N., eds. Religion and Society in T'ang and Sung China (Honolulu, 1993).
    335. Eclaircissements sur quelques points de la litterature syriaque, JA
    336. ed., The Samaritans, 55-81.
    337. eds., CHALAP, 446-60.
    338. eel., Archaeologica Orientalia, 156-71.
    339. Efthymiadis, Stephane. Le panegyrique de S. Theophane le Confesseur par S. Theodore Stoudite (BHG 1792b): edition critique du texte integral, AB 111 (1993). 259-90.
    340. Eggert, Wolfgang. Lateinische Historiographie vom 7. bis 9. Jahrhundert, in Winkelmann and Brandes, eds., Quell en ::ur Geschichte des friihen Byzan::, 224-33.
    341. Eichner, Wolfgang. Die Nachrichten i.iber den Islam bei den Byzantinern, Der Islam 23 (1936), 133-62, 197-244.
    342. Eisenstein, J.D. O::ar midrashim: a Library of Two Hundred Minor Midrashim Edited with Introductions and Notes, 2 vols. in 1 (New York, 1915).
    343. Elad, Amikam. Why did 'Abd al-Malik build t.he Dome of the Rock? A Re_ examination of the Muslim Somces, in Raby ,rnd Johns, eds., Bayt al_ Maqdis, 33-58.
    344. Emmett, Alanna M. Historiography in Late Antiquity: an Overview, in eidem, eds., History and Historians in Late Antiquity, 1-12.
    345. Entre Mo'ise et Mahomet: reflexions sur l'historiographie armen_ ienne, REA 23 (1992), 121-53.
    346. Entstehung im Friihmittelalter (Berlin, 1986).
    347. Epidemic Disease in Formal and Popular Thought in Early Islamic So_ ciety, in Terence Ranger and Paul Slack, eds., Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence (Cambridge, 1992), 77-99.
    348. Erder, Yoram. The Doctrine of Abu 'Isa al-Isfaha.111 and its Sources, JSAI 20, forthcoming.
    349. Erikson, Alvar. The Problem of Authorship in the Chronicle of Fredegar, Eranos
    350. Eschatological and Political Concepts in the Seventh Century, Ill
    351. Eschatology and the Dating of Traditions, Princeton Papers in Near Eastern Studies 1 (1992), 23-47.
    352. Ess, Josef van. The Logical Structure of Islamic Theology, in Gustav E. von Grunebaum, ed., Logic in Classical Islamic Culture (First Giorgio Levi Della Vida Biennial Conference, 1967; Wiesbaden, 1970), 21-50.
    353. et al., eds. A Companion to Samaritan Studies (Ti.ibingen, 1993).
    354. et al., eds. Christianismes orientaux: Introduction a l'etude des langues et des litteratures (Paris, 1993).
    355. et al.. Concordance et indices de la tmdition musulmane, 8 vols. (Leiden, 1933-88).
    356. Etmekjian, James. History of Armenian Literat111·e: Fifth to Thirteenth Centuries
    357. Etude sur le christianisme en Egypte au septieme siecle: un eveque de Keft au Vlle siecle (Paris, 1887); repr. in Memoires de l'Institut egyptien 2 (1889), 261-424.
    358. Etudes sur le regne du calife omaiyade Mo'awia /er (Paris, 1908).
    359. Etudes sur Sa'zd ibn Ba_trzq et ses sources ( CSCO 450 subsidia 69; Leuven, 1983).
    360. Even-Shmuel, Yehuda (l(aufmann). Jl.fidreshe ge'ullci (revised edition; Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1954).
    361. F11liih-lli t.ory and Fulu(i-1-Iistoriography: the Muslim Conquest of Damascus, al-Qantoro 10 (1989), 453-61.
    362. Fahd, Toufic, ed. La vie du prophete Mahomet (Colloque du Strasbourg, 1980; Paris, 1983).
    363. Fahrni, S.'A. Naqshan jadidan min Makka al-rnukarrama mu'arrakhan sanat thamanin hijr1ya, Al-athar wa-1-iithiir: al-manhal 48 (1987), 346-61.
    364. Faith and Reason in Christian Kalam: Theodore Abu Qurrah on Discerning the True Religion, in Samir and Nielsen, eds., Christian Arabic Apologetics, 1-43.
    365. Fattal, Antoine. Le staftlt legal des non-musulmans en pays d'Islam (Beirut, 1958). Fawzi, S. The Jewish Academy in Abbasid Iraq: Jewish Cultural and Spiritual
    366. Features of the Novel in Early Historiography: the Downfall of Xa!id al-QasrI, Oriens 32 (1990), 72-96.
    367. Ferber, Jenny. Thcophanes' Account of the Reign ofI-Ieraclius, in Elizabeth and l'vlichael .Jeffreys, eels., By::cmtine Papers: Proceedings of the First Australian By::anline Studies Conference, Canberra 1978 (Byzantina Australiensia 1; Canberra, 1981), 32-42.
    368. Festugiere, A.J. Collections grecques de miracles: saint Thecle, saints Come et Damien, saints Cyr et Jean (extraits), saint Georges (Paris, 1971).
    369. Fiey, Jean Maurice. Jean de Dailam et }'imbroglio de ses fondations, Proche Orient Chretien 10 (1960), 195-211.
    370. Fiick, Johann. Muf:wmmad ibn Is fiq. Literarhistorische Untersuchungen (Frank_ furt am Main, 1925).
    371. Finster, Barbara. Zu der Neuauflage von K.A.C. Creswells 'Early Muslim Archi_ tecture,' Kunst des Orients 9 (1973-74), 89-98.
    372. Firestone, Reuven. Abraham's Association with the Meccan Sanctuary and the Pilgrimage in the Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Periods, Le Museon 104 (1991), 359-87.
    373. Fiscal Aclmmzstmtwn of Egypt m the Early Islamic Period (Kyoto,
    374. Fischer, Wolfdietrich. Grundriss der arabischen Philologie, Band I: Sprachwis_ senschaft (Wiesbaden, 1982).
    375. Five Arabic Inscriptions from Rehovoth and Sinai, Israel Exploration Journal 43 (1993), 50-59.
    376. Fleisch, H. Une homelie de Theophile d'Alexandrie en l'honneur de St. Pierre et de St. Paul, ROG 30 (1935-46), 371-419 (includes edition and translation).
    377. Fleischer, Ezra. Massoret yehudJt qeduma 'al tar1kh nefilato she! ha-shilton ha_ b1zantfa1 be-ere9 isra'el, Zion 36 (1971), 110-15.
    378. Florileges spirituels grecs, Dictionnaire de spiritualite, ascetique et mystique, doctrine et histoi1·e, V (Paris, 1964), 475-510.
    379. Flusin, Bernard. Demons et Sarrasins: !'auteur et le propos des Diegemata steriktika d'Anastase le Sinaite, Travaux et Memoires 11 (1991), 381-409.
    380. Fontaine and Hillgarth, eds., Le septieme siecle, 212-35.
    381. Fontaine, Jacques, and Hillgarth, J.N. Le septieme siecle: changements et conti_ nuites/The Seventh Century: Change and Continuity (Studies of the War_ burg Institute 42; London, 1992).
    382. Forand, Paul G. The Governors of Mosul according to al-Azd1's Ta 'rfkh al_ Mawfil, JAOS 89 (1969), 88-105.
    383. Foss, CJive. The Persians in Asia Minor and the End of Antiquity, English Historical Review 90 (1975), 721-47; repr. in idem, History and Archaeology of Byzantine Asia Minor (Variorum CS 315; Aldershot, 1990).
    384. Fowden, Garth. Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993).
    385. Fragments coptes pour servir a l 'histoire de la conquete de l'Egypte par !es arabes, JA ser. viii, 12 (1888), 361-410.
    386. Franke, Franz Richard. Die freiwilligen Martyrer von Cordoba und das Verhiiltnis der Mozaraber zum Islam, nach der Schriften des Speraindeo, Eulogius und Alvar (Munster, 1958).
    387. Frantz-Murphy, Gladys. Arabic Papyrology and Middle Eastern Studies, Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 19.1 (1985), 34-48.
    388. Free Will in Christian Kalam: the Doctrine of Theodore Abu Qur_ rah, PdO 14 (1987), 79-107; repr. in idem, Arabic Christianity, VI.
    389. Free Will in Christian Kaliim: Moshe bar Kepha against the Teach_ ings of the Muslims, Le Museon 100 (1987), 143-59.
    390. Freehof, Solomon B. The Responsa Literature (Philadelphia, 1955).
    391. Frertcl, W.H.C. The Rise of the Monophysite Movement: Chapters in the History of the Church in the Fifth and Six·th Centuries (Cambridge, 1972).
    392. Freshfield, Edwin H. The Official Manuals of Roman Law of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries, The Cambridge Law Journal 4 (1930), 34-50.
    393. Friedlander, Gerald. Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer (the Chapters of Rabbi Eliezer the Great) according to the Text of the Manuscript belonging to Abraham Epstein of Vienna (New York, 1965).
    394. Friiher Islam, in Ulrich Haarmann et al., eds., Geschichte der ara_ bischen vVelt (l\fonich, 1987), 11-100.
    395. frish Academy 81 (1981), 207-17.
    396. Fritsch, E. Islam ttnd Christentum im Mittelalter. Beitriige zttr Geschichte der muslimischen Polemik gegen das Christentum in arabischer Sprache (Bres_ lau, 1930).
    397. From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to Greek Learn- ing, in Nina G. Garso:ian, Thomas F. Matthews and Robert W. Thompson, eds., East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period (Dumb_ arton Oaks Symposium, 1980; Washington DC, 1982), 17-34; repr. in Brock, Syriac Perspectives, V.
    398. From Believers to Muslims: Confessional Self-Identity in the Early Islamic Community, in Conrad, ed., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East IV, forthcoming.
    399. From Tradition to Imitation: the Plan and Program of Pesiqta Rabbati and Pesiqta deRab Kahana (Brown Judaic Series 80; Atlanta, Georgia, 1987).
    400. From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam: Studies in Religious History and Intercultuml Contacts (Variorum CS 505; Alclershot, 1995).
    401. Frye, R.N. Die Wiedergeburt Persiens um die Jahrtausendwende, Der Islam 35 (1960), 42-51.
    402. Gardthausen, V.E. Catalogus codicum graecorum Sinaiticorum (Oxford, 1886). Garitte, Gerard. Un extrait georgien de la Vie d'Etienne le Sabaite, Le Museon
    403. Garrigues, Juan Miguel. La Personne composee du Christ d'apres Maxime le Confesseur, Revue Thomiste 74 (1974), 181-204.
    404. Garso'ian, Nina. Byzantium and the Sasanians, in Yarshater, ed., CH!r. 3.1,
    405. Gaube, Heinz. Arabosasanid1sche Numismatik (Braunschweig, 1973).
    406. Gaudeul, Jean Marie. The Correspondence between Leo and 'Umar: 'Umar's Letter Rediscovered?, Islamochristiana 10 (1984), 109-57.
    407. Geerard, Mauritius, ed. ( CPG =) Clavis palrum graecorum, 5 vols. (Turnhout and Brepols, 1974-87).
    408. Gelder, Geert Jan van. The Conceit of Pen and Sword: on an Arabic Literary Debate, JSS 32 (1987), 329-60.
    409. Gendle, Nicholas. Leontius of Nea.polis: a Seventh Century Defender of Holy Images, Studia Patristica 18.1 (Oxford Patristics Conference, 1983; Kala_ mazoo, 1985), 135-39.
    410. Gerhardsson, Birger. Memory and Manuscript: Oral Tradition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic Judaism and Early Chrislia11ity (tr. Eric J. Sharpe; Uppsala, 1961).
    411. Gero, Stephen. Byzantine Iconoclasm during the Reign of Leo III with Particular Attention to the Oriental Sources ( CSCO 346 subsidia 41; Leuven, 1973).
    412. Gero, Stephen. Kosmas of Jerusalem: a More Critical Approach to His Biography, BZ 82 (1989), 122-32; repr. in Kazhdan, Authors and Texts, X.
    413. Gervers, Michael, and Bikhazi, Ramzi Jibran, eds., Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Communities in Islamic Lands, Eighth to Eighteenth Centuries (Papers in Mediaeval Studies 9; Toronto, 1990).
    414. Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 5 vols. (Studi e Testi 118, 133, 146,147,172; Vatican City, 1944-53).
    415. Geschichte der Perser und Amber zur Zeit der Sasaniden aus der arabischen Chr-onik des Tabari (Leiden, 1879).
    416. Geyer, Paul. Itinera Hierosolymitana saeculi ////-VIII (Corpus scriptorum eccle_ siasticorum latinorum 39; Vienna, 1898).
    417. Gibb, H.A.R. Chinese Records of the Arabs in Central Asia, BSOAS 2 (1921- 23), 613-22.
    418. Gibson, Margaret Dunlop. Catalogue of the Arabic Mss. in the Convent of S. Catherine on Mount Sinai (Studia Sinaitica 3; London, 1894).
    419. Gignoux, Philippe. Sur l'inexistence d'un Bahman Yasht avestique, Journal of Asian and African Studies (Tokyo) 32 (1986), 53-64.
    420. Gil, Moshe. Ha-mifgash ha-bavff, Tarbiz 48 (1978-79), 35-73.
    421. Gill, J. The Life of Stephen the Younger by Stephen the Deacon: Debts and Loans, OCP 6 (1940), 114-39.
    422. Gilliot, Claude. Les debuts de l'exegese coranique, Revue du monde musulman et de la Mediterranee 58 (1990), 82-100.
    423. Ginkel, Jan J. van. John of Ephesus: a Monophysite Historian in Sixth-Century Byzantium (Ph.D. thesis; Groningen, 1995).
    424. Ginzberg, Louis, ed. Genizah Studies in Memory of Doctor Solomon Schlechter,
    425. Glanures martyrologiques, AB 58 (1940), 104-125.
    426. Glei, Reinhold, and I<houry, Adel Theodor. Johannes Damaskenos und Theodor Abu Qurra. Schriften zum Islam (Corpus Islamo-Christianum, series graeca 3; Wiirzburg and Altenberge, 1995).
    427. Glucker, C.A.M. The City of Gaza in the Roman and Byzantine Periods (BAR 325; Oxford, 1987).
    428. Goeje, M.J. de. Memoire sur la conquete de la Syrie (Leiden, 1900).
    429. Goffart, Walter. The Fredegar Problem Reconsidered, Speculum 38 (1963), 206-
    430. Goitein, S.D. Jews and Arabs: Their Contacts through the Ages (New York, 1955).
    431. Goldfeld, Isaiah. The Illiterate Prophet (Nabf Ummf): an Inquiry into the De_ velopment of a Dogma in Islamic Tradition, Der Islam 57 (1980), 58-67.
    432. Goldziher, Ignaz. Muham.medanische Studien, 2 vols. (Halle, 1889-90).
    433. Goode, Alexander D. The Exilarchate in the Eastern Caliphate, 637-1258, JQR
    434. Goodman, L.E. The Greek Impact on Arabic Literature, in Beeston et al., eds.,
    435. Goshen-Gottstein, M.H. Syriac Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library: a Catalogue (Missoula, Montana, 1979).
    436. Gottheil, Richard. A Christian Bahira Legend, Zeitschrift Assyrologie 13 (1898), 189-242; 14 (1899), 203-68; 15 (1900), 56-102; 17 (1903), 125-66;
    437. Graetz, H. Geschichte der Juden von den iiltesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart,
    438. Graf, Georg. Apokryphe Schutzbriefe Muhammed's fiir die Christen, His_ torisches Jahrbuch 43 (1923), 1-14.
    439. Greek Culture in Palestine after the Arab Conquest, in Guglielmo Cavallo, Giuseppe de Gregorio and Marilena Maniaci, eds., Scritture, libri e testi nelle aree provinciali di Bisanzio (Spoleto, 1991), 149-60.
    440. Green, Judith, and Tsafrir, Yoram. Greek Inscriptions from J:lammat Gader: a Poem by the Empress Eudocia and Two Building Inscriptions, Israel Ex_ ploration Journal 32 (1982), 77-96.
    441. Grierson, Philip. The Monetary Reforms of 'Abd al-Malik: Their Metrological Basis and Their Financial Repercussions, JES HO 3 (1960), 241-64.
    442. Griffith, Sidney H. Comparative Religion in the Apologetics of the First Christian Arabic Theologians, Proceedings of the Patristic, Medieval and Renaissance Confe1-ence (Villanova, Pennsylvania) 4 (1979), 63-86.
    443. Grignaschi, Mario. Les 'Rasa'il Aristatalfsa ila-1-Iskandar' de Salim Abil.-1-'Ala' et l'activite culturelle a l'epoque omayyade,Bulletin d'etudes orientales 19
    444. Grohmann, Adolf. Die im athiopishen, arabischen und koptischen erhaltenen Visionen Apa Schenute's von Atripe, ZDMG 67 (1913), 187-267; 68 (1914),
    445. Grohmann, Adolf. Protokolle (Corpus papyrorum Raineri III: Series arabica I.I;
    446. Gruendler, Beatrice. The Development of the Arabic Sc1·ipts from. the Nabatean Era to the First Islamic Century according to Dated Texts (Atlanta, Georgia, 1993).
    447. Grumel, V. Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, vol. 1 (Istanbul,
    448. Guillaume, Alfred. The Version of the Gospels used in Medina circa 700 A.D.,
    449. Guillou, Andre. Prise de Gaza par Jes arabes au VIie siecle, Bulletin de corre_ spondence hellenique 81 (1957), 396-404.
    450. Ha-nazTrBal frii, 1sh socio sheIIV! ul amrnad,ve-ha-yehud1111:ben pulmus le-his oriografia, Proceedings of the Tenth World Congress of Jewish Studies B.l (Jerusalem, 1990), 69-76.
    451. Habib ibn Ijidmah Abu Ra'itah, a Christian Mutakallim of the First Abbasid Century, OC 64 (1980), 161-201.
    452. Haddad, Rach id. Lo Trinite divine chez les theologiens arabes, 750-1050 (Paris,
    453. Hadrill, D.S. Wallace. Christian Antioch: a Study of Early Christian Thought in the East (Cambridge, 1982).
    454. Hadrill, J.M. Wallace. Fredegar and the History of France, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 40 (1957-58), 527-50; repr. in idem, The Long-Haired I\'ings and Other Studies of Frankish History {London, 1962), 71-94.
    455. Hage, W. Die Syrisch-Jakobitische l{irche in friihislamische Zeit nach orientalis_ chen Quellen (Wiesbaden, 1966).
    456. Hairapetian, Srbouhi. A History of Armenian Literature from Ancient Times to the Nineteenth Century (Delmar, New York, 1995).
    457. Hajjar, Josef. Les chretiens uniates du Proche-Orient (Paris, 1962).
    458. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture (Cambridge, 1990).
    459. Halkin, Frarn;ois. Review of: Jean Moschus, Le pd spirituel, tr. M.J. Rouet de Journel, AB 65 ( 1947), 286-88.
    460. Hall, John A. Powers and Liberties: the Causes and Consequences of the Rise of the West (Oxford, 1985).
    461. Halleux, Andre de. La christologie de Martyrios-Sahdona clans !'evolution du nestorianisme, OCP 23 (19.57), 5-32.
    462. Haq, Syed Nomanul. The Indian and Persian Background, in Nasr and Leaman, eds., History of Islamic Philosophy, 1.52-70.
    463. Harmalta, Janos. The Middle Persian-Chinese Bilingual Inscription from Hsian and the Relations, La Persia nel m.edioevo (Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 160; Rome, 1971), 363-76.
    464. Harrak, Amir. Literary Borrowings in the Chronicle of Zuqnin, Part IV: the Ac_ co nt of the Mid-8th Century Bubonic Plague, III World Syriac Conference, I1·erala, September 1994.
    465. Harris, J. Rendel. The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles together with the Apocalypses of Each One of Them (Cambridge, 1900).
    466. Harun, 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad. Rasii'il al-Jii(1i:;, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1964-79). Harvey, Susa.n Ashbrook. Remembering Pain: Syriac Historiography and the
    467. Haw ting, Gerald R.. The Origins of the Muslim Sanctuary at Mecca, in Juynboll, ed., First Century of Islamic Society, 23-47.
    468. Hawary, Hassan Mohammed el-. The Most Ancient Islamic Monument Known Dated A.H. 31 (A.D. 652), JRAS 1930, 321-33.
    469. Hawkins, Gerald S. On the Orientation of the Ka'ba, Journal for the History of Astronomy 13 (1982), 102-109.
    470. Hayman, A.P. The Disputation of Sergius the Stylite against a Jew ( CSCO 338-39
    471. Hayward, R. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan and Anti-Islamic Polemic, JSS 34 (1989), 77-93.
    472. Healey, John F. Syriac Sources and the Umayyad Period, in Bakhit and Schick, eds., Biliid al-Sham during the Umayyad Period, 2.1-10.
    473. Heijer, Johannes den. Mawhub ibn Man ur ibn Mufarrig (Xie siecle): petit essai biographique, PdO 14 ( 1987), 203-17.
    474. Heinen, Anton. Islamic Cosmology: a Study of as-Suyii_tf's al-Hay'a as-saniya fi I-hay 'a as-sunniya (Beirut, 1982).
    475. Hellholm, David, ed. Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East (Ti.ibingen, 1983; repr. 1989 with supplementary bibliography).
    476. Hellholm, ed., Apocalypticism, 77-162.
    477. Hemmerdinger, Bertrand. La Vita arabe de saint .Jean Damascene et BHG 884,
    478. Heraclius, Shahrbariiz and 'fabar1, Conference on the Life and Works of A-fu am.mad ibn Jarzr al-Tabarz, St. Andrews, August-September 1995.
    479. Herrin, Judith. The Formation of Christendom (Princeton, 1987).
    480. Hewsen, Robert H. The Synchronistic Table of Bishop Eusebius (Ps. Sebeos): a Reexamination of its Chronological Data, REA 15 (1981), 59-72.
    481. Hiibschmann, Heinrich. Armenische Gram.matik (Leipzig, 1897).
    482. Hill, Donald R. The Termination of Hostilities in the Early Arab Conquests, A.D.
    483. Hillgarth, J.N. Historiography in Visigothic Spain, Settimane di studio de/ Cen_ tro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto) 17.1 (1970), 261-311.
    484. Hinds, Martin, and Sakkout, Hamdi. A Letter from the Governor of Egypt to the King of Nubia and Muqurra concerning Egyptian-Nubian Relations in 141/758, in Qadi, ed., Festschrift I siin 'Abbas, 209-29.
    485. Hinds, Martin. God's Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam (Cambridge, 1986).
    486. Hirschfeld, H. Historical and Legendary Controversies between Mohammed and the Rabbis, JQR 10 (1898), 100-16.
    487. Hirschfeld, Yizhar, and Solar, Giora. The Roman Thermae at Hammat Cader: Preliminary Report of Three Seasons of Excavations, Israel Exploration Journal 31 (1981), 197-219.
    488. Histoire du mouvement litteraire dans l'eglise melchite du Ve au XXe siecle: contribution a l'etude de la lilteralure arabe chretienne, volume II.2: 750-Xe s. (Leuven, 1990).
    489. Histoires edifiantes' georgiennes, Byzantion 36 (1966), 396-423.
    490. Historians of the Middle East, 126-32.
    491. Historical Evidence and the Archaeology of Early Islam, in S. Seikaly,
    492. Historiography in the Annals of Eutychius of Alexandria, in Conrad, ed., History and Historiography, forthcoming.
    493. Holmberg, Bo. A Reconsideration of the l\'itiib al-Magda/, PdO 18 (1993), 255- 73.
    494. Holt, P.M., eds. Historians of the Middle East (London, 1962).
    495. Homelie de St. Germain sur la delivrance de Constantinople, Revue des etudes by::antines 16 (1958), 183-205.
    496. Hopkins, Simon. ''The Oldest Dated Document in the Geniza?, in Shelomo M rag, Issachar Ben-Ami and Norman A. Stillman, eds., Studies in Judaism and Islam Presented to S.D. Goitein on his Eightieth Birthday (Jerusalem, 1981), 83-98.
    497. Howard-Johnston, James. The Two Great Powers in Late Antiquity: a Compar_ ison, in Cameron, ed., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East III, 157-226.
    498. Hoyland, Robert G. Arabic, Syriac and Greek Historiography in the First Abbasid Century: an Inquiry into Inter-Cultural Traffic, Aram 3 (1991). 211-33.
    499. Humbach, Helmut (with Josef Elfenbein and Prods. 0. Skjaerv¢). The Giithiis of Zarathustra and the other Old Avestan Texts, 2 vols. (Heidelberg, 1991).
    500. Humphreys, R. Stephen. Islamic History: a Fmmework for Inquiry (Princeton, 1991).
    501. Hunger, Herbert. Die hochsprachl1che profane Literatur der Byzantiner, 2 vols. (Munich, 1978).
    502. Hunt, E. Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Empire AD 312-460 (Oxford, 1982).
    503. Huxley, George L. The Sixty Martyrs of Jerusalem, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 18 (1977), 369-74.
    504. i?albanTt, Tarbi:: 53 ( 1983-84), 386-408.
    505. Iconoclasm, 113-31.
    506. Iconographic Study (Qedem 28; Jerusalem, 1989).
    507. idem, Byzantine Studies XVIII, 261-70.
    508. III: propagande OU realite? , Byzantion 60 (1990), 445-92.
    509. III.4), PO 8 (1912), 713-80.
    510. Ijalid ibn Yazid und die Alchemie: eine Legende, Der Islam. 55 (1978), 181-218.
    511. Images, Islam and Christian Icons: a Moment in the Chris_ tian/Muslim Encounter in Early Islamic Times, in Canivet and Rey_ Coquais, eds., Syrie de Byzance a ['Islam, 121-38.
    512. Imbert, Frederic. Corpus des inscriptions arabes de la Jordanie du nord (Ph.D. thesis; Aix-en-Provence, 1996).
    513. Imran, Mahmud. Kita.bat al-ral1l_iala Arkulf ka-ma ar li-bilad al-Sham fi 'a r al-rashidfa, in Bakhit, ed., Biliid al-Shiim during the Early Islamic Period, 3.311-30.
    514. Inglisian, Vahan. Die armenische Literatur, Handbuch der Orientalistik, 7: ar_ menisch und kaukasische Sprachen (Leiden, 1963). 156-250.
    515. International Journal of Middle Eastern Stu.dies 18 (1986), 205-23.
    516. Internationale kirchliche Zeitschrift 76 (1986), 203-17.
    517. Iranian National History, in idem, ed., CHir. 3.1, 359-477.
    518. Iselin, L.E. Apokalyptische Studien, Theologische Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz 4 (1887), 60-64, 130-36, 272-79.
    519. Ishaq, Yusuf Matta. Al-ta'rikh al-Zuqnin1 al-manl_1ul li-Diyunisiyus al-Talmal:irI,
    520. Iskandar, A.Z. An Attempted Reconstruction of the Late Alexandrian Medical Curriculum, Medical History 20 (1976), 235-58.
    521. Islam and the Summa Theologiae Arabica; Rabi' I, 264 A.H., JSAJ
    522. Islam, Iconoclasm and the Declaration of Doctrine, BSOAS 48 (1985), 267-77.
    523. Islam, Judea-Christianity and Byzantine Iconoclasm, JSAI 2 (1980), 59-95.
    524. Islamic C11lt11re II (1937), 17-29.
    525. Islamic Culture 48 (1974), 1-9.
    526. Israeli, Raphael, and Gorman, Lyn. Islam in China: a Critical Bibliography (Bib_ liographies and indexes in religious studies 29; London, 1994).
    527. Iwas, Zakka. Mar Ya'qub al-RuhawI (633-708): al-lahutI, al-mu'arrikh, al_ mutarjim, al-lughawI al-suryan1 mustanbit al-l_1arakat al-suryan1ya, Journal of the Iraqi Academy, Syriac Corporation 2 (1976), 31-45.
    528. J\foslim IVorld 60 (1970), 6-24.
    529. Jager, Peter. Intended Edition of a Disputation between a Monk of the Monastery of Bet J:Iale and One of the 'fayoye, in Drijvers et al., eds., IV Symposium Syl'iacum, 401-402.
    530. Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik 23 (1974), 61-76.
    531. Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistil.: 16 ( 1967), 55-60.
    532. Jahre 65 cler Higra, Der Islam 60 (1983), 104-11.
    533. Jakob von Eclessa, Theologische Realen::yklopadie 16 (Berlin, 1987), 468-70.
    534. Jansma, T. Projet d'edition du I-.:etaba. de Res Melle de Jean bar Penkaye,
    535. JAOS 113 (1993), 258-63.
    536. JAOS 93 (1973), 32-43.
    537. Jarry, Jacques. L'Egypte et !'invasion musulmane, Annales islamologiques 6
    538. Jean l'vlosch, Echos d'Orient 5 (1902), 107-16.
    539. Jeffery, Arthur. Ghevond's Text of the Correspondence between 'Umar II and Leo III, Harvard Theological Reuiew 37 (1944), 269-332.
    540. Jeffreys, E.M. The Image of the Arabs in Byzantine Literature, The 17th In_ ternational Byzantine Congress, A1ajor Papers (New Rochelle, New York, 1986), 305-21.
    541. Jellinek, Adolph. Bet ha-Midrasch. Sammlung kleiner Midraschim und vermis_ chter Abhandlungen aus der altern jiidischen Literatur, 6 vols. (Leipzig, 1853-57).
    542. Jerusalem in the Story of Mul ammad's Night Journey and Ascen_ sion, JSAI 14 (1991), 1-40.
    543. Jewish Society and Institutions under Islam, Cahiers d'histoire mon_ diale 11 (1968-69), 170-84.
    544. Jews and Muslims in Christian Syriac and Arabic Texts of the Ninth Century, Jewish History 3 (1988), 65-94.
    545. JJS 39 (1988), 201-11.
    546. Jobling, B. Wadi Shireh, Liber Anmrns 39 (1989), 254-55.
    547. Johannes von Damaskos, Theologische Realenzyklopiidie 17 (Berlin, 1988), 127-32.
    548. John of Damascus on Islam Revisited, Abr-Nahrain 23 (1984-85), 104-18.
    549. Johnson, David W. Further Remarks on the Arabic History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, OC 61 (1977), 103-116.
    550. Jones, A.H.M. Were Ancient Heresies National or Social Movements in Dis_ guise?, Journal of Theological Studies 10 (1959), 280-98.
    551. Jones, J.M.B. Ibn Isl_iiiq and al-Wiiqid1: the Dream of 'Atika and the Raid to Nakhla in Relation to the Charge of Plagiarism, BSOAS 22 (1959), 41-51.
    552. Jong, H.W.M. de. Demonic Diseases in Sophronios' Thaumata, Janus 50 (1961- 63), 1-8.
    553. Journal of the Iraqi Academy, Syriac Corporation 8 (1984), 63-135.
    554. Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 15 (1935), 280-93.
    555. JRAS 1932, 289-93.
    556. JSAI 18 (1994), 1-37.
    557. Jugie, M. Jean Damascene (saint), Dictionna·ire de theologie catholique 8 (1923- 25), 693-751.
    558. Juifs et chretiens clans !'Orient du VIIe siecle: see under Dagron, Gilbert.
    559. Juynboll, G.H.A., ed. Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society (Carbondale and Edwardsville, 1982).
    560. Juynboll, T.W. Uber die Bedeutung des Wortes Taschr1k, Zeitschrift fiir Assy_ rologie 27 (1912), 1-7.
    561. Kaegi, Walter Emil. Initial Byzantine Reactions to the Arab Conquest, Church Histo1·y 38 (1969), 139-49.
    562. Kahane, Henry and Renee. Die Magariten, Zeitschrift fiir rom.anische Philologie
    563. Kahn,Didier. Note sur deux manuscrits du Prologue attribue a Robert de Chester, Chrysopoeia 4 (1990-91), 33-34.
    564. Kai elabon ten Heran: Aspects of the Early Muslim Conquests in Southern Palestine, Fourth International Colloquium on: From Jahiliyya to Islam, Jerusalem, July 1987.
    565. Karagiannopoulos, I.E. Pegai tes byzantines historias (Thessaloniki, 1987).
    566. Kariotoglou, A.S. He peri tou Islam kai tes pti5sei5s autou hellenike chresmologike grnmmateia apo ton archi5n tou 16ou ai. mechri kai tou telous tou 18ou ai. (Athens, 1982).
    567. Kasser, Rodolphe. Reflexions sur l'histoire de la litterature copte, Le Museon
    568. Kayser, C. Die Canones Jacob's von Edessa iibersetzt und erlautert (Leipzig, 1886).
    569. Kazhdan, Alexander. 'Constantine imaginaire:' Byzantine Legends of the Ninth Century about Constantine the Great, By::antion 57 ( 1987), 196-250.
    570. Kennedy, Hugh. The Early Abbasid Caliphate: a Political History (London, 1981).
    571. Kennedy, Philip. Abu Nuwas, Samuel and Levi, Studies in Muslim-Jewish Re_ lations 2 (1995), 109-25.
    572. Kennedy,E.S.,and Pingree,David. The Astrological History of Miishii'alliih
    573. Kenyon, Frederic G., and Bell, H.I., eds. Greek Papyri in the British Museum: Catalogue, with Texts, 5 vols. (London, 1893-1917).
    574. Kern-Ulmer, Brigitte. 'Artkhii ve-qanon1za1?iya be-Pes1qta rabbatt, Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress of Jewish Studies C.1 (Jerusalem, 1994), 111-18.
    575. Keseling, Paul. Die Chronik des Eusebius in der syrischen Uberlieferung, OC 1 (1927), 23-48, 223-41; 2 (1927), 33-56.
    576. Kessler, Christel. 'Abd al-Malik's Inscription in the Dome of the Rock: a Re_ consideration, JRAS 1970, 2-14.
    577. Khadduri, Majid. The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybiin'i's Siyar (Baltimore, 1966).
    578. Khalidi, Tarif. Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period (Cambridge, 1994).
    579. Khoury, Adel Theodore. Les theologiens byzantins et I 'Islam: textes et auteurs, Vllle-Xllle s. (Leuven and Paris, 1969).
    580. Khoury, Paul. Jean Damascene et !'Islam, Proche Orient Chretien 7 (1957), 44-63; 8 (1958), 313-39; also published separately in a revised form (Reli_ gionswissenschaftliche Stuclien 33; Wiirzburg and Altenberge, 1994).
    581. Khoury,Raif Georges.L'importance d'Ibn LahT'a et deson papyrus conserve a Heidelberg clans la tradition musulmane du deuxieme siecle de l 'hegire, Arabica 22 (1975), 6-14.
    582. King, David A. Astronomical Alignments in Medieval Islamic Religious Archi_ tecture, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 385 (1982), 303-12.
    583. King, G.R.D. Two Byzantine Churches in Northern Jordan and Their Re-Use in the Islamic Period,'' Damas::ener Mitteilungen 1 (1983), 111-36.
    584. Kister, M.J. 'A Booth like the Booth of Moses:' a Study of an Early Hadzth, BSOAS 2.5 (1962), 150-55; repr. in idem, Studies, VIII.
    585. Kitzinger, Ernst. The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm, DOP 8 (1954), 83-150.
    586. Klinge, Gerhard. Die Bedeutung der syrischen Theologen als Verrnittler der griechischen Philosophie an den Islam, Zeilsclwift fur I\'irchengeschichte 58 (1939), 346-86.
    587. Kmosko, Michael. Das Ratsel des Pseudomethodius, By::antion 6 (1931), 273- 96.
    588. Kobler, Franz. Letters of Jews through the Ages from Biblical Times to the Middle of the Eighteenth Century, 2 vols. (London, 1952).
    589. Kochan, Lionel. The Jew and his History (London, 1977). Kohlberg, Etan. Abu Turab, BSOAS 41 (1978), 347-52.
    590. Koren, Judith. l\Iethoclological Approaches to Islamic Studies, dHistory and Historiography in Early Islamic Times:Studies and Perspectives (Princeton, forthcoming).
    591. Kosmas of Jerusalem: 2. Can We Speak of His Political Views?, Le Museon 103 (1990), 329-46; repr. in idem, Authors and Texts, XI.
    592. Kotter, Bonifatius. Die Uberlieferung der Pege Gnoseos des hl. Johannes van Damaskos (Studia Patristica et Byzant.ina 5; Et.ta!, 1959).
    593. Kouymjian, Dickran, ed. Armenian Studies/Eludes armeniennes in memoriam Haig Berberian (Lisbon, 1986).
    594. Kraemer, Joel L. Apostates, Rebels and Brigands, Israel Oriental Studies 10 (1980), 34-73.
    595. Krasnowolska,Anna. Rostam's Prophecy in Sah-Name and the Zoroastrian Apocalyptic Texts, Folia Orientalia 19 ( 1978), 173-84.
    596. Krauss, Samuel. Studien zttr by::antinisch-jiidischen Geschichte (Vienna, 1914).
    597. Kreyenbi;oek, G. ''The Zoroastrian Priesthood after the Fall of the Sasanian Em_ pire, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 5 (1987), 151-66 (Transition Periods in Iranian History. Actes du symposium de Fribourg-en-Brisgau, May 1985).
    598. Krikorian, Mesrob K. Sebeos, Historian of the Seventh Century, in Samuelian, ed., Classical Armenian Culture, 52-67.
    599. Krumbacher, Karl (with A. Ehrhard and H. Gelzer). Geschichte der byzantinis_ chen Literatur van Justinian bis zum Ende des Ostromischen Reiches (Mu_ nich, 1897).
    600. Kuchler, Max. Moschee und Kalifenpalaste Jerusalems nach den Aphrodito_ Papyri, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina- Vereins 107 (1991), 120-43.
    601. Kusternig, Andreas. Quellen zur Geschichte des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts. Die vier Biicher der Chroniken des sogenannten Fredegar (Darmstadt, 1982).
    602. l:Iillule ma.lkhuyot be-ere!:> isra'el 'al pT tefisatam she! payye anTm ve-da.rsha.nTrn, She/em 6 (1992), 1-22.
    603. L'age de Mahomet et la chronologie de la sira, JA ser. x, 17 (1911), 209-50.
    604. L'Arrnenie et Ia conquete arabe,'' in I-i:ouymjian, ed., Armenian Stud_ ies, 773-92.
    605. L'auteur de la 'Chronique Anonyrne de Guidi:' Elie de Merw, RHR
    606. L'ere byzantine et Theophile d 'Edesse, Revue de Philologie 39 (1915), 260-63.
    607. L'ere de !'Incarnation clans !es manuscrits arabes melkites du l le au 14e siecle, OCP 53 ( 1987), 193-201.
    608. L'historiographie armenienne, Le Museon 76 (1963), 109-44. Nagel, Peter. Grundziige syrischer Geschichtsschreibung, in Winkelmann and
    609. L'Orient syrien 8 (1963), 87-106.
    610. La chronologie (Traite d'etudes byzantines l; Paris, 1958).
    611. La cosmographie au VIie siecle chez Jes syriens, ROG 15 (1910), 225-54.
    612. La didascalie de Jacob, texte grec original du Sergis d'Aberga (PO
    613. La fin du monde selon Jes mages occidentaux, RHR 103 (1931), 29-96.
    614. La historiografia hispana clescle la invasion arabe hasta el aiio 1000, Settimane di studio del Centro ital-iano di sludi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto) 17.1 (1970), 313-43.
    615. La litterature historique des syriens, Revue historique 137 (1921), 74-80.
    616. La politique rnatrimoniale de Cyrus (le Mocaucas), patriarche melkite d'Alexandrie de 628 au 10 Avril 643, Le Museon 45 (1932), 1-17.
    617. La version georgienne du 'Pre Spirituel,' in Melanges Eugene Tis_ serant II (Studi e Testi 232; Vatican City, 1964), 171-85.
    618. La. littera.ture grecque en Palestine au VIIle siecle,'' Le Museon 78 (1965), 367-80.
    619. Labourt, J. Le Christicmisme dans /'empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (Paris, 1904).
    620. Lackner, Wolfgang. Zur Quellen und Datierung der Maximosvita (BHG 3 1234),
    621. Lagarde, A.P. de. Reliquiae iuris ecclesiastici antiquissimae (Leipzig, 1856). Lambert, Elie. La synagogue de Doura-Europos et Jes origines de la mosquee,
    622. Lambton, Ann K.S. An Account of the Tarzkhi Qumm, BSOAS 12 (1947-48), 586-96.
    623. Lammens, Henri. Le chantre des omiades: notes biographiques et litteraires sur le poete arabe chretien Ahtal, JA ser. ix, 4 (1894), 94-176, 193-241, 381-459.
    624. Lamoreaux, John C. Christian Polemics against Islam: Why Did it Take over One Hundred Years for Them to Come into Being?, Abstracts of the North American Patristic Society, 1990.
    625. Lamy, Thomas J. Dissertatio de Syrorum fide et disciplina in re eucharista (Leu_ ven, 1859).
    626. Land, J.P.N. Anecdota Syriaca, 4 vols. (Leiden, 1862-75).
    627. Landau-Tasseron, Ella. Processes of Redaction: the Case of the Tamimite Dele_ gation to the Prophet Mu ammad, BSOAS 49 (1986), 253-70.
    628. Landron, Benedicte. Les relations originelles entre chretiens de !'Est (Nestoriens) et musulmans, PdO 10 (1981-82), 191-222.
    629. Landsberger, F. The Sacred Direction in Synagogue and Church, Heb1°ew Union College Annual 28 (1957), 181-203.
    630. Lane, E.W. An Arabic-English Lexicon, 8 vols. (1863-93).
    631. Lang, David Marshall. Lives and Legends of the Georgian Saints (London, 1956).
    632. Lange, Nicholas de. Jews and Christians in the Byzantine Empire: Problems and Prospects, in Diana Wood, ed., Christianity and Judaism (Studies in Church History 29; Oxford, 1992), 15-32.
    633. Lapidus, Ira M. The Conversion of Egypt to Islam, Israel Oriental Studies 2
    634. Latham, J.D. The Beginnings of Arabic Prose Literature: the Epistolary Genre, in Beeston et al., eds., CHALUP, 154-79.
    635. Laurent, Joseph. L'Armenie entre Byzance et ['Islam depuis la conquete arabe jusqu'en 886 (revised edition by Marius Canard; Lisbon, 1980).
    636. Lazard, G. The Rise of the New Persian Language, in Frye, ed., CH!r. 4, 595- 632.
    637. lbn lsl aq's I<itii.b al-Afaga::f in der Riwii.ya von Yunus b. Bukair. Bemerkungen zur friihen Uberlieferungsgeschichte, JSAI 14 (1991), 214-
    638. Le Coz, R. Jean Dam.ascene: ecrits sur l 'Islam (Sources chretiennes 383; Paris,
    639. Le debut de la Vie de S. Etienne le Sabaite retrouve en arabe au Sina.·i, AB 77 (1959), 332-69.
    640. Le Museon 105 (1992), 361-77.
    641. Le Museon 75 (1962), 109-29.
    642. Le roman epistolaire classique conserve clans la version arabe de Salim Abu-1-'Ala', Le Museon 80 (1967), 211-64.
    643. Le texte grec de l'Hypomnesticum de Theodore Spoudee, AB 53 (1935), 49-80.
    644. Le texte grec des recits du rnoine Anastase sur les saints peres du Sina'i, OC 2 (1902), 58-89.
    645. Le texte grec des recits ut.iles a l'ame d'Anastase (le Sinaite), OC 3 (1903), 56-90.
    646. Le traite sur les 'constellations' ecrit en 661 par Severe Sebokht, eveque de Qennesrin, ROG 27 (1929-30), 327-38.
    647. Leder, Stefan. The Attitude of the Population, Especially the Jews, towards the Arab-Islamic Conquest of Bilad al-Sham and the Question of Their Role Therein, Die Welt des Orients 18 (1987), 64-71.
    648. Leeker, Michael. Waqidi's Account on the Status of the Jews of Medina: a Study of a Combined Report, JNES 54 (1995), 15-32.
    649. Leemhuis, Fred. MS. 1075 Tafsfr of the Cairene Dar al-Kutub and Mugahid's Tafsfr, Proceedings of the IX Congress of the U.E.A.l. (Leiden, 1981), 169- 80.
    650. Leeming, Kate. By=anline Literature in Arabic: Ninth-Century Translations from the Monastery of Afar Saba in Palestine (Ph.D. thesis; Oxford, 1997).
    651. Lemay, Richard. L'authenticite de la Preface de Robert de Chester a sa traduc_ tion du Morienus, Chrysopoeia 4 (1990-91), 3-32.
    652. Lemerle, Paul. La composition et la chronologie des deux premiers livres des miracula S. Demetrii, BZ 46 (1953), 349-61.
    653. Lent, Jos van. Les apocalypses coptes de l'epoque arabe: quelques reflexions, Eludes Coples V (Cahiers de la bibliotheque copte; Leuven and Paris, forth_ coming).
    654. Lenzen, C.J ., and Knauf, E.A. Beit Ras/Capitolias: a Preliminary Evaluation of the Archaeological and Textual Evidence, Syria 64 (1987), 21-46.
    655. Les Annales originales d'Eutyches d'Alexandrie: une compilation his_ torique arabo-chretienne a la fac;on des traditionnistes musulmans, ZDMG
    656. Les arabes chretiens de Mesopotamie et de Syrie du Vile au VIile siecle (Paris, 1933).
    657. Les derniers jours et la mort du khalife Merouan II, d'apres l'histoire des patriarches d'Alexandrie, JA ser. xi, 4 (1914), 421-49.
    658. Les recueils antiques de miracles des saints, AB 43 (1925), 5-85, 305-25; and published separately (Brussels, 1925).
    659. Les sources de la Chronique de Seert, PdO 14 (1987), 155-66. Salzman, Marcus. The Chronicle of Ahimaa::, tmnslated with Introduction and
    660. Les versions arabes du dialogue entre le catholicos Timothee I et le calife al-Mahdi (Ile/VIIIe siecle), lslamochristiana 3 (1977), 107-75.
    661. Les vi::irs et secreloires arabes chretiens en Islam, 622-1517: texte etabli et considerablement augmente par Camille Hechai·me (Patrimoine arabe chretien 11; Jounieh, Lebanon, 1987).
    662. Leveen, J. Mohammed and his Jewish Companions, JQR 16 (1925-26), 399-406.
    663. Levy, Reuben. The Epic of the l\'ings: Shah-nama, the National Epic of Persia by Ferdowsi (London, 1967).
    664. Lewis, Bernard. An Apocalyptic Vision of Islamic History, BSOAS 13 (1950), 308-38; repr. in idem, Studies, V.
    665. Lidzbarski,Mark. Ginzii der Schat= oder das grosse Buch der
    666. Life,'' Sflldies in Afoslim-Jewish Relations l (1993). 189-204.
    667. Lilie, Ralph Johannes. Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der A raber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. tmd 8. Jhd. (Munich, 1976).
    668. Lim, Richard. Public Disputation, Power and Social Order in Late Antiquity
    669. Literary Analysis of Qur'an, Tafsfr and Sfra: the Methodologies of John Wansbrough, in Richard C. Martin, ed., Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies (Tucson, Arizona, 1985), 151-63.
    670. Litternture syriaque (Paris, 1934).
    671. Littmann, Enno. Die athiopische Literatur, Handbuch der Orzentalistik, 3: Semitistik (Leiden, 1954), 375-85.
    672. Ljubarskij, J akov N. ''Neue Tendenzen in der Erforschung cler byzantinischen His_ toriographie, I<lio 69 (1987), 560-66.
    673. llist.oire de Mar Ahoudernrneh, apotre des arabes de Mesopotamie (VIe siecle), PO 3 (1909), 7-51.
    674. Lloyd, Antony Charles. The Anatomy of Neoplatonism (Oxford, 1990).
    675. Loparev, Kh. Vizantijskie zitiya svyatykh': VIII-IX vekov' , Vizantijskij Vrem_ menik 19 (1912), 1-151; this is the section on Palestine and Syria, which concludes a three-part study begun in ibid. 17 (1910), 1-224, and 18 (1911),
    676. Lorch, Richard. N r b. 'Abdalla.h's Instrument for Finding the Qibla, Journal for the History of Arabic Science 6 (1982), 123-31.
    677. Louth, Andrew. A Christian Theologian at the Court of the Caliph: Some Cultural Reflections, Inaugural Lecture given by Professor Andrew Louth, Goldsmiths College, 24 November 1994 (London, 1995).
    678. Lumpe, Adolf. Stephanos von Alexandrien und Kaiser Herakleios, Classica et Mediaevalia, dissertationes 9 (1973), 150-59.
    679. M adir Ab1 I-Faraj al-Malat1 al-ta'r1kh1ya wa-athruha fi manahijih, Aram l (1989), 149-72; first published in Journal of the Iraqi Academy, Syriac Corporation 11 (1987), 70-118.
    680. MacAdam, Henry Innes. Settlements and Settlement Patterns in Northern and Central Transjordania, ca. 550-ca. 750, in King and Cameron, eds., Byzan_ tine and Early Islamic Near East II, 49-93.
    681. MacCoull, L.S.B. Three Cultures under Arab Rule: the Fate of Coptic, Bulletin de la Societe d'archeologie copte 27 ( 198.5), 61-70; repr. in eadem, Coptic Perspectives, XXV.
    682. MacDonald, John. The Theology of the Samaritans (London, 1964).
    683. Mackensen, Ruth Stellhorn. Arabic Books and Libraries in the Umaiyad Period, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 52 (1935-36), 245- 53; 53 (1936-37), 239-50; 54 (1937), 41-61; 56 (1939), 149-57 (supplementary
    684. Madelung, Wilferd. The Assumption of the Title Shiihiinshiih by the Buyids and 'the Reign of the Daylam (Daw/at al-Day/am),' JNES 28 (1969), 84-108, 168-83.
    685. Mader, Frederic. Les apocalypses apocryphes de Daniel, RHR 33 (1896), 37-53 (intro. and Persian Daniel), 163-76 (Coptic Daniel), 288-319 (Armenian and Greek Daniel).
    686. Magdalino, Paul. The History of the Future and its Uses: Prophecy, Policy and Propaganda, in Roderick Beaton and Charlotte Roueche, eds., The Mak_ ing of By::antine History: Studies Dedicated to Donald M. Nicol (Variorum; Aldershot, 1993), 3-34.
    687. Mahe, Jean Pierre. Critical Remarks on the Newly Edited Excerpts from Sebeos, in Thomas J. Samuelian and Michael E. Stone, eds., Medieval Armenian Culture (University of Pennsylvania Armenian Texts and Studies 6; Chico, California, 1984), 218-39.
    688. Maher, Michael J. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Genesis, Translated with Introduc_ tion and Notes (The Aramaic Bible, vol. lB; Edinburgh 1992).
    689. Mai, Angelo. Scriptorum veterum nova collectio e vaticanis codicibus edita, 10 vols. (Rome, 1825-38).
    690. Malik, BSOAS 29 (1966), 367-72.
    691. Manandean, Hacob A. Les invasions arabes en Arrnenie (notes chronologiques),
    692. Mango, Cyril. La culture grecque et 1'Occident au VIiie siecle, Settimane di studio del Cent-ro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto) 20 (1973), 683-721.
    693. Manitius, Max. Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters I: von Jus_ tinian bis ::ur Mitte des ::ehnten Jahrhtmderts (Munich, 1911).
    694. Mann, Horace K. The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages, vol. 1 (London, 1902).
    695. Mann, Jacob. The Responsa of theBabylonianGeonim as a Source of Jew_ ishHistory,JQR7 (1916-17), 457-90; 8 (1917-18), 339-66;9 (1918-19),
    696. Mann, Michael. The Sources of Social Power, Volume I: a History of Power from the Begining to A.D. 1760 (Cambridge, 1986).
    697. Maqam Ibrahim: a Stone with an Inscription, Le Museon 84 (1971), 477-91.
    698. Maraval, P. Lieux saints et pelerinages d'Orient (Paris, 1985).
    699. Margoulias, Harry J. The Lives of the Saints as Sources for Byzantine Agrarian Life in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries, GOTR 35 (1990), 59-70.
    700. Markus Bockmuehl; Edinburgh, 1991).
    701. Markus, R.A. The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge, 1990).
    702. Marmorstein, A. Les signes du Messie, Revue des eludes juives 52 ( 1906), 176- 86.
    703. Maronites, Mazonites et Maranites, ROG 9 (1904), 268-76.
    704. Martikainen, Jouko. Johannes I. Sedra. Einleitung, syrische Texte, Ubersetzung und vollstandiges Worterverzeichnis (Gottinger Orientforschungen, Syriaca 34; Wiesbaden, 1991).
    705. Martindale, J.R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Volume 3: AD
    706. Martinez, Francisco Javier. Eastern Christian Apocalyptic in the Early Muslim Period: Pseudo-Methoclius and Pseuclo-Athanasius (Ph.D. thesis, Catholic University of America; Washington DC, 1985).
    707. Martyrios-Sahclona: la vie mouvementee cl'un 'heretique' de l'eglise nestorienne, OCP 24 (1958), 93-128.
    708. Mason, Isaac. The Mohammedans of China. When and How they First Came, Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 60 (1929), 42-78.
    709. Maspero, Jean. Histoire des patriarches d'Alexandrie depuis la mart de l'empereur Anaslase jusqu 'a la reconciliation des eglises jacobites (518-616) (Paris,
    710. Materiaux pour servir a l'etude de la controverse theologique islamo- chretienne de langue arabe du Ville au XII siecle (Religionswissenschaftliche Studien 11/ 1; Wiirzburg and Altenberge, 1989).
    711. Maximus the Confessor (London, 1996).
    712. Mayerson, Philip. The First Muslim At.tacks on Southern Palestine (A.D. 633- 34), Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 95 (1964), 155-99; repr. in idem, Monks, 53-97.
    713. McGiffert, Arthur Cushman. Dialogue between a Christian and a Jew (New York, 1889).
    714. McGinn, Berna.rd. Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages
    715. Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship: Holy Places, Ceremonies and Pilgrimage (Leiden, 1995).
    716. Meimaris, Ya.nnis E. The Arab (Hijra) Era Mentioned in Greek Inscriptions and Papyri from Palestine, Graeco-Arabica 3 ( 1984), 177-89.
    717. Meinardus, Otto. A Commentary on the XIVth Vision of Daniel according to the Coptic Version, OCP 32 (1966), 394-449.
    718. melanges de cit1ilisationmedievalededies a Willem Noomen (Groningen,
    719. Memoire sur Jes Blemmyes apropos d'une inscription copte trouvee
    720. Memoire sur la chronique byzantine de Jean, eveque de Nikiou, JA
    721. Menasce, Jean de. Skand-Gum.iinfk Viciir: la solution decisive des doutes (Fri_ bourg en Suisse, 1945).
    722. Metcalf, William E. Three Seventh-Century Byzantine Gold Hoards, American Numismatic Society Museum. Notes 25 (1980), 87-108.
    723. Meyendorff, John. Byzantine Views of Islam, DOP 18 (1964), 113-32.
    724. Meyerhof, Max. La fin de l'ecole d'Alexandrie d'apres quelques auteurs arabes,
    725. Michael the Martyr and Monk of Mar Sabas Monastery, at the Court of the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik: Christian Apologetics and Martyrology in the Early Islamic Period, Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    726. Middle Persian Literature, Hanclbuch cler Orientalistik, 4- 2: Iranis_ tik. Literntur I (Leiden, 1968), 31-66.
    727. Miindliche Thora und Hadit: Uberlieferung, Schreibverbot, Redak_ tion, Der Islam 66 (1989), 213-51.
    728. Miles, George C. Early Islamic Inscriptions near Ta'if in the Ifijaz, JNES 7 (1948), 236-42.
    729. Milik, J.T. Notes d'epigraphie et de topographie jordaniennes, Liber Annuus 10 (1959-60), 147-84.
    730. Milikowsky, Chaim. The Status Quaestionis of Research in Rabbinic Literature,
    731. Millar, Fergus. Empire, Community and Culture in the Roman Near East: Greeks, Syrians, Jews and Arabs, JJS 38 (1987), 143-64.
    732. Mingana, Alphonse. The Transmission of the Kur'an, Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society 1915-16, 2,5-47.
    733. Moberg, Axel. Die syrische Grammat.ik des Johannes Es onaja, Le Monde Ori_ ental 3 (1909), 24-33.
    734. Mochiri, M.I. A Sasanian-Style Coin ofYazid b. Mu'a.wiya, ]RAS 1982, 137-41.
    735. Modarressi, Hossein. Early Debates on the Integrity of the Qur'an: a Brief Survey, Studia Islamica 77 (1993), 5-39.
    736. Momigliano, Arnaldo. Pagan and Christian Historiography in the Fourth Century AD, in idem, The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 1963), 79-99; repr. in idem, Essays, 107-26.
    737. Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier: the Early History of Tur 'Abdin (Cambridge Oriental Publications 39; Cambridge, 1990).
    738. Monks, Aiartyrs, Soldiers and Saracens: Papers on the Near East in Late Antiquity (Israel Exploration Society; Jerusalem, 1994).
    739. Montet, E. Un rituel d'abjuration des musulrnans clans l'eglise grecque, RHR
    740. Monuments pour servir a l'histoire de l'Egypte chretienne aux /Ve et Ve siecles (Memoires publies par !es membres de la Mission archeologique frarn;aise au Caire, vol. 4; Paris, 1888.
    741. Moorhead, John. The Monophysite Response to the Arab Invasions, Byzantion
    742. Morimoto, Kasei. Land Tenure in Egypt during the Early Islamic Period, Orient
    743. Morisson, Cecile. Le monnayage omeyyade et l'histoire administrative et economique de la Syrie, in Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrie de Byzance
    744. Morony, Michael G. Religious Communities in Late Sasanian and Early Muslim Iraq, JESHO 17 (1974), 113-35.
    745. Motzki, Harald. Die Anfange der islamischen Jurisprudenz. lhre Entwicklung in Mekka bis ::ur Mitte des 2./8. Jahrhunderts (Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 50.2; Stuttgart, 1991).
    746. Mouterde, Paul. Inscriptions en syriaque dialectal a Kamed (Beq'a),Melanges de l'Universite Saint Joseph 22 (1939), 73-106.
    747. Muhammad and the Jews of Medina (tr. Wolfgang Behn; Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975).
    748. Muhammad and the Origin oflslam in Armenian Literary Tradition, in Kouymjian, ed., Armenian Studies, 829-58.
    749. Muhammadanea Edessensis: the Rise of Islam in Eastern Christian Historiography under the Early 'Abbasids (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 12; Princeton, 1997).
    750. Mul ammad and the Monk Bal]ira: Reflections on a Syriac and Arabic Text from Early Abbasid Times, OC 79 (1995), 146-74.
    751. Muller, C. Detlef G. Benjamin I: 38. Patriarch von Alexandrien, Le Museon 69 (1956), 313-40.
    752. Muqarnas 6 (1989), 22-32.
    753. Muranyi, Miklos. Zwischen 'Asr und Magrib in Mekka. Ein Augenzeugenbericht von al-Lait b. Sa'd aus dem Jahr 113/732, Die Welt des Orients 23 (1992), 101-28.
    754. Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. The Location oft.he Capitol in Aelia Capitolina,
    755. Murphy, F.X., and Sherwood, P. Constantinople II et Constantinople III (Histoire des conciles oecumeniques 3; Paris, 1974).
    756. Muslim Apocalypses and the Hour: a Case-Study in Traditional Interpretation, Israel Oriental Studies 13 (1993), 75-99.
    757. Muslim Wodd 25 (1935), 266-73.
    758. Muslimen, Christen imd Juden (Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgen_ landes 6; Leipzig, 1877).
    759. Muyldermans, J. La domination arabe en Armenie extra-it de l'histoire universelle de Vardan traduit de l'armenien et annote (Leuven and Paris, 1927).
    760. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, and Leaman, Oliver, eds. History of Islamic Philosophy, 2 vols. (Routledge History of World Philosophies 1; London, 1996).
    761. Nasrallah, Josef. Saint Jean de son epoque, sa vie, son oeuvre (Harissa, 1950).
    762. Nau, Frarn;ois. Opuscules Maronites, ROC 4 (1899), 175-226, 318-42, 543-71.
    763. Nautin, Pierre. L'auteur de la 'Chronique de Seert:' Iso'denah de B ra, RHR
    764. Neale, John Mason. Hymns of the Eastern Church Translated with Notes and an Introduction (London, 1862).
    765. Negev, Avraham. The Greek Inscriptions from the Negev (Studium biblicum fran_ ciscanum, collectio minor 25; Jerusalem, 1981).
    766. Nelson, Janet L. The Annals of St-Bertin: Ninth-Century Histories, Volume I
    767. Nemoy, L. AI-Qirqisan1's Account of the Jewish Sects and Christianity, Hebrew Union College Annual 7 (1930), 317-97.
    768. Neubauer, Adolph N. Medieval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1887).
    769. Neues iiber Benjamin I, 38. und Agathon, 39. Patriarchen von Alexan_ drien, Le Museon 72 (1959), 323-47.
    770. Neusner, Jacob. A Histo1·y of the Jews in Babylonia, 5 vols. (Leiden, 1965-70).
    771. Nevo, Yehuda D., and Koren, .Judith. The Origins of the Muslim Descriptions of the .Jahilf Meccan Sanctuary, JNES 49 (1990), 23-44.
    772. New Documents concerning a.1-Ma'miin, al-Fae_!! b. Sahl and 'Ali al_ Ric_la' , in Qadi, ed., Festschrift I siin 'Abbas, 333-45.
    773. New Evidence on the XIV th Vision of Daniel from the History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church,'' OCP 34 (1968), 281-309.
    774. New Themes and Styles in Greek Literature: Seventh-Eighth Cen_ turies, in eadem and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I, 81-105.
    775. Newman, N.A. The Early Christian-Muslim Dialogue: a Collection of Documents from the First Three Islamic Centuries (Hatfield, Pennsylvania, 1993).
    776. Ni:ildeke,, Theodor. Batte MuJ:iammad christliche Lehrer?, ZDMG 12 (1858), 699-708.
    777. Nicoll, Alexander. Catalogi cod-icum manuscriptorum orientalium bibliothecae Bodleianae, pars secunda: Arabicos (Oxford, 1835).
    778. Nielsen, J0rgen S., eels. Christian Arabic Apologetics during the Abbasid Period (750-12.58) (Leiden, 1994).
    779. Niewohner, Friedrich, eds. Religionsgesprache im Mittelalter (25.
    780. Nikephoros Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History (Dumbarton Oaks Texts 10; Washington 1990).
    781. Nissen, Theodor. Unbekannte Erzahlungen dem Pratum Spirituale, BZ 38 (1938), 351-76.
    782. North Mesopotamia in the Late Seventh Century: Book XV of John Bar Penkaye's Rzs Melle, JSAI 9 (1987), 51-75; repr. in idem, Studies, II.
    783. Northeclge, Alistair. The Umayyacl Mosque of 'Amman, in Bakhit and Schick, eels., Biliid al-Sham during the Umayyad Period, 2.140-63.
    784. Note sur l'accueil des chretiens d'Orient a !'Islam, RHR 166 (1964), 51-58.
    785. Notes (New York, 1924).
    786. Notes de topographie omeyyade, Syria 24 (1944-45), 96-112. Schacht, Joseph. The Origins of llfu!wmmadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 19.53).
    787. notes).
    788. Noth, Albrecht.. Zurn Verhii.ltnis von kalifa.ler Zentralgewalt und Provinzen in umayyaclischer Zeit: die '$ul(i'-' 'Anwa'-Traditionen Agypten und den Iraq, Die Welt des Islams 14 (1973), 150-62.
    789. Notice historique sur le monastere de Qartamin, suivie d'une note sur le rnonastere de Qennesre, Actes du X!Ve Congres international des Orienlalistes, Alge1· 1905, Part 2 (Paris, 1907), 37-135.
    790. Nouveaux recits du moine Anastase, Actes du Xlle congres interna_ tional d'etudes byzantines (Belgrade, 1964), 2.263-71.
    791. O'Leary, De Lacy. The Arabic Life ofS. Pisentius, PO 22 (1930), 317-488.
    792. oc 77 (1993), 165-87.
    793. OCP 28 (1962), 422-23.
    794. OCP 35 (1969), 305-333; 36 (1970), 5-46.
    795. OCP 51 (1985), 352-87.
    796. Ogle, Marbury B. Petrus Comestor, Methodius and the Saracens, Speculum 21 (1946), 318-24.
    797. Ohana, Moise. La polernique jucleo-islamique et !'image d'Ismael dans Targum Pseudo-.Jonathan et clans Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer, Augustinian um 15 (1975), 367-87.
    798. Old TestamentPseudepigrapha, 755-70.
    799. Olsson, Tord. The Apocalyptic Activity: the Case of Jamasp Namag, in Hell_ holm, ed., Apocalypticism, 21-49.
    800. Olster, David M. The Construction of a Byzantine Saint: George of I<hoziba, Holiness and the Pilgrimage Trade in Seventh-Century Palestine, GOTR 38 (1993), 309-22.
    801. Omar, Farouk. The Nature of the Iranian Revolts in the Early 'Abbasid Period,
    802. Omar's Image as the Conqueror of Jerusalem, JSAI 8 (1986), 149- 68.
    803. On That Day: a Jewish Apocalyptic Poem on the Arab Conquests, in Pierre Salmon, ed., Melanges d'lslamologie: volume dedie a la memoire de Annand Abel (Leiden, 1974), 197-200; repr. in Lewis, Studies, VI.
    804. On the Antiquity of Zoroastrian Apocalyptic, BSOAS 47 (1984),
    805. On the Arabic Chronicle of Bar Hebraeus, PdO 18 (1993), 319-75.
    806. Once again the Status Quaestionis of Research in Rabbinic Literature: an Answer to Chaim Milikowsky, .J.JS 40 (1989), 89-94.
    807. Only a Change of Masters? The Christians of Iran and the Muslim Conquest, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 5 (1987), 43-48 ( Transition Periods in Iranian History. Actes du symposium de Fribourg-en-Brisgau, May 1985).
    808. Opera Minora III (Turnhout and Brepols, 1977).
    809. Origins and Early Development of the Tafsfr Tradition, in Andrew Rippin, ed., Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur'iin (Oxford, 1988), 13-30.
    810. Orlandi, Tito. Un testo copto sulla dominazione in Egitto, in idem and Wisse, eds., Second International Co11g1·ess of Coptic Studies, 225-33.
    811. Ortiz de Urbina, Ignatius. Patrologia syriaca (Rome, 1965).
    812. Ory, Solange. Les graffiti umayyades de 'Ayn al-Garr, Bulletin du musee de Beyrouth 20 (1967), 97-148.
    813. Palmer, Andrew N. Semper Vagus: the Anatomy of a Mobile Monk, Studia Patristica 18.2 (Oxford Patristics Conference, 1983; Kalamazoo and Leuven, 1989), 255-60.
    814. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. Sylloge palaistines kai syriakes hagiologias, Pra_ voslavnyj Palestinskij Sbornik' 19.3 (St. Petersburg, 1907).
    815. Papathanassiou, Maria. Stephanus of Alexandria: Pharmaceutical Notions and Cosmology in his Alchemical Work, Ambix 37 (1990), 121-33.
    816. Pargoire, J. Les LX Soldats Martyrs de Gaza, Echos d'Orient 8 (1905), 40-43. Pattenden, Philip. The Text of the Pratum Spirituale, Journal of Theological
    817. Patriarch, Shah and Caliph: a Study of the Relationships of the Church of the East with the Sasscmid Empire and the Early Caliphates up to 820 AD (Rawalpindi, 1974).
    818. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie = Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der klassischen Allertumswissenschaft, revised edition by Georg Wissowa (Stuttgart, 1893- 1972).
    819. Payne-Smith, R. Catalogus codicum syriacorum (Catalogi codicum manuscripto_ rum bibliothecae bodleianae 6; Oxford, 1864).
    820. PdO 11 (1983), 329-48.
    821. Peeters, Paulus. (BHO =) Bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis (Brussels, 1910).
    822. Pelliot, Paul. Des artisans chinois a la capitale abbaside en 751-762, T'oung Pao ser. ii, 26 (1928), 110-12.
    823. Pena, I., Castellana, P., and Fernandez, R. Les stylites syriens (Publications du studium biblicum franciscanum, collection minor. 16; Milan, 1975).
    824. Pereira, F.M. Esteves. Vida do abba Samuel do Mosteiro do J-(alamon (Lisbon, 1894).
    825. Pereira, Jose Eduardo Lopez. Cr6mca mozcirabe de 754: edici6n critica y tm_ duc'ci6n (Textos medievales 58; Zaragoza, 1980).
    826. Perlmann, Moshe. Notes on Anti-Christian Propaganda in the Mamluk Empire,
    827. Peters, F.E. The Origins of Islamic Platonism: the School Tradition, in Parviz Morewedge, ed., Islamic Philosophical Theology (Albany, New York, 1979), 14-45.
    828. Photiades, Penelope J. A Semi-Greek Semi-Coptic Parchment, Klio 41 (1963), 234-36.
    829. Piccirillo, Michele. The Umayyad Churches of Jordan, Annual of the Depart_ ment of Antiquities in Jordan 28 (1984), 333-41.
    830. Pigulevskaja, Nina. Theophanes' Chronographia and the Syrian Chronicles,
    831. Pines, Shlomo. Notes on Islam and on Arabic Christianity and Judaeo- Christianity, JSAI 4 ( I 984), 135-52.
    832. Pingree, David. Historical Horoscopes, JAOS 82 (1962), 487-502.
    833. Polemique byzantine contre /'Islam, Vllle-Xllle s. (Leiden, 1972).
    834. Politics of Usurpation in the Seventh Century: Rhetoric and Rev_ olution in Byzantium (Amsterdam, 1993).
    835. Portents of the Hour: ]Jac!tth and History in the First Century A.H.,
    836. Posner, Nadine F. Whence the Muslim Conquest of Northern Mesopotamia?, in Farhad Kazemi and R.D. McChesney, eds., A Way Prepared: Essays on Islamic Cultu1·e in Honor of Richard Bayly Winder (New York and London, 1988), 27-52.
    837. Prosa-Dichtung in der A[ibar Uberlieferung. Narrative Analyse einer Satire, Der Islam 64 (1987), 6-41.
    838. Proudfoot, Ann S. The Sources ofTheophanes for the Heraclian Dynasty, Byzan_ tion 44 (1974), 367-439.
    839. Pseudo-Methodius und die Legende vom romischen Endkaiser, in Werner Verbeke, Daniel Verhelst and Andries Welkenhuysen, eds., The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages (Leuven, 1988), 82-111.
    840. Purvis, James D. Jerusalem, the Holy City: a Bibliography, 2 vols. (ATLA Bibli_ ography Series 20; London, 1988-91).
    841. Putman, Hans. L'eglise et l'Islam sous Timothee I (780-823): etude sur l'eglise nestorienne au temps des premiers 'Abbiisides (Beirut, 1975).
    842. Qadi, Wadad al-, ed. Studia Arabica et Islamica: Festschrift for I san 'Abbas
    843. Qays al-MarunI aw aqdam ta'rikh li-1-kitbat al-Mawarina, al_ Machriq 2 (1899), 265-68.
    844. QI!Jr, Tarbiz 54 (1984-85), 383-427.
    845. Qibla Musharriqa and Early Muslim Prayer in Churches, Muslim World 81 (1991), 267-82.
    846. Qui est l'interlocuteur musulman du patriarche syrien Jean III (631- 48)?, in Drijvers et al., eds., IV Symposium Syriacum, 387-400.
    847. Qur'an 2:114 and Jerusalem, BSOAS 52 (1989), 215-38.
    848. R. Baalbaki and P. Dodd, eds., Quest for Understanding: Arabic and Islamic Studies in Memory of Malcolm H. Kerr (Beirut, 1991), 263-82.
    849. Rabbi, Joseph. Al-tawarikh al-suryaniya, Journal of the Iraqi Academy, Syriac Corporation 6 (1981-82), 29-92.
    850. Raby, Julian, and Johns, Jeremy, eds. Bayt al-Maqdis: 'Abd al-Malik's Jerusalem,
    851. Raby, Julian. Aq a and the Anastasis, typescript; this will be a chapter in Raby's forthcoming book The Last Day: the Building of the Dome of the Rock.
    852. Radtke, Bernd. Weltgeschichte und Weltbeschreibung in mittelalterlichen Islam
    853. Ragib, Yusuf. L'ecriture des papyrus arabes aux premiers siecles de !'Islam,
    854. Rashid, Sa'd ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz al-. I<itabiit islamzya ghayr manshiira min 'Ruwawa' al-Madfna al-munawwara (Riyad, 1413/1993).
    855. Raven, Wim. Some Early Islamic Texts on the Negus of Abyssinia, JSS 33 (1988), 197-218.
    856. Rebels and Gnostics: al-1\fogTra ibn Sa'1d and the Mugfriyya, Arabica
    857. Recovering Lost Texts: Some Methodological Issues (review art.),
    858. Reenen, D. van. The Bilderverbot: a New Survey, Der Islam 67 (1990), 27-77.
    859. Reif, Stefan C. Aspects of Mediaeval Jewish Literacy, in Rosamond Mcl(itterick, ed., The Uses of Literacy in Early Mediaeval Europe (Cambridge, 1990), 134-55.
    860. Reinink, Gerrit J. Ismael, der Wildesel in der Wiiste. Zur Typologie der Apoka_ lypse des Pseudo-Methodius, BZ 75 (1982), 336-44.
    861. Reste arabtschen Heidentums (Berlin, 1887).
    862. Revell, E.J. The Grammar of Jacob ofEdessa and the other Near Eastern Gram_ matical Traditions, PdO 3 (1972), 365-74.
    863. Review of: Andrew M. Watson, Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World, JSS 30 (1985), 347-50.
    864. Review of: fl'itab al-Ridda wa ·1-Futu.h and Kitiib al-Jamal wa Maszr '.fl'isha wa 'Ali. .. By Sayf b. 'Umar al-Tani1m1, edited with an introduction by Qasirn al-Samarrai, .!RAS ser. iii, 6 (1996), 237-40.
    865. Review of: The Life of Rabban Hormizd ... by E.A. Wallis Budge,
    866. Review of: Witold Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo_ Dionysius of Tel-Ma re, Abr-Nahmin 28 (1990), 142-50.
    867. Revillout, Eugene. Compte-rendu d'un memoir sur Jes Blemmyes d'apres divers documents coptes et un prophete jacobite (Senouti), Extrait des Comptes rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Janvier-Fevrier 1871, 1-15.
    868. Revue biblique 101 (1994), 407-1-5.
    869. Revue du monde musulman et de la Mediterranee 58 (1990), 14-29.
    870. Riad, E. Studies in the Syriac Preface (Uppsala, 1988).
    871. Richard, Marcel. Anastasius le Sinaite, l'Hodegos et le Monothelisme, Revue des eludes byzantines 16 (1958), 29-42; repr. in idem, Opera Minora III, no. 63.
    872. Richter-Bernburg, L. Linguistic Shu'u.b1ya and Early Neo-Persian Prose, JAOS
    873. Riding Beasts on Divine Missions: an Examination of the Ass and Camel Traditions, JSS 36 (1991), 37-75.
    874. Riedinger, Rudolf. Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum (Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, ser. ii, vol. l; Berlin, 1984).
    875. Rignell, Karl Erik. A Letter from Jacob of Edessa to John the Stylite of Litarab concerning Ecclesiastical Canons (Lund, 1979).
    876. Rihaoui, Abdul Kader. Decouverte de deux inscriptions arabes, Annales Archeologiques de Syrie 11-12 (1961-62), 207-11.
    877. Rippin, Andrew. The Present Status of Tafsfr Studies, Muslim World 72 (1982), 224-38.
    878. Rissanen, Seppo. Theological Encounter of Oriental Christians with Islam during Early Abbasid Rule (Abo, 1993).
    879. Ritter, Hellmut. Philologika XIII: Arabische Handschriften in Anatolien und Istanbul, Oriens 3 (1950), 31-107.
    880. Ritual of Conversion from Islam to the Byzantine Church, GOTR
    881. Robinson, Chase F. The Conquest of Khu.zistan: a Historiographical Reassess_ ment, in Conrad, ed., History and Historiography, forthcoming.
    882. Rochow, Ilse. Chronographie, in Winkelmann and Brandes, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte des fruhen Byzanz, 190-201.
    883. Roey, Albert van. Une apologie syriaque attribuee a Elie de Nisibe, Le Museon
    884. Roman Defeat, Christian Response and the Literary Construction of the Jew (Philadelphia, 1994).
    885. Roncevalle, Sebastian. La Qays wa-la Thawufil, al-Machriq 2 (1899), 451-60. Rosen-Ayalon, Myriam. The Early Islamic Monuments of al-Jf aram al-Sharzf: an
    886. Rosenthal, Franz. A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1952).
    887. Rothenberg, Beno. Timna: Valley of the Biblical Copper Mines (London, 1972). Rotter, Ekkehart. Abend/and und Sarn::enen. Das ok::identale Araberbild und seine
    888. Rotter, Gernot. Zur Uberlieferung einiger historischer Werke Mada'inTs in 'fabarTs Annalen, Oriens 23-24 (1974), 103-33.
    889. Roueche, Mossman. Byzantine Philosophical Texts of the Seventh Century,
    890. Rubin, Uri. The Ka'ba: Aspects of its Ritual Functions and Position in Pre_ Islamic and Early Islamic Times, JSAI 8 (1986), 97-131.
    891. Ruska, Julius. Arabische Alchemisten I. Cha.lid ibn Jazzd ibn Mu'awiya (Heidel_ berg, 1924).
    892. Russel, DS The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic 200 BC-AD 100
    893. Ryden, Lennart. Zurn Aufbau der Andreas Salos-Apokalypse, Eranos 66 (1968), 101-17.
    894. Rypka, Jan, et al. History of Iranian Literature (revised English version edited by Karl Jahn; Dordrecht, 1968). The section on Middle Persian is by Otakar Klima.
    895. S. Vik¢r, The Middle East-Unity and Diversity: Papers from the Second Nordic Conference on Middle Eastern Studies, Copenhagen, October 1992 (Copenhagen, 1993), 103-14.
    896. S. Romain le neomartyr (t 1 mai 780) d'apres Ull document georgien,
    897. Sachau, Eduard. Verzeichnis der syrischen Handschriften, 2 parts (Die Handscriften-Verzeichnisse der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, vol. 23; Berlin, 1899).
    898. Sadan, Josef. Les bebes qui parlent clans leur berceaux, Fifth International Colloquium on: From Jahiliyya to Islam, Jerusalem, July 1990.
    899. Sadighi, Gholam Hossein. Les mouvements religieux iraniens au Ile et au Ille siecles de l'hegire (Paris, 1938).
    900. Safar, F. Wasif: the Sixth Season's Excavations (Govt. of Iraq, Directorate General of Antiquities) (Institut fran<;ais d 'archeologie orient ale; Cairo, 1945).
    901. Saffrey, H.D. Le chretien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'ecole d'Alexandrie au VIe siecle, Revue des eludes grecques 67 (1954), 396-410.
    902. Sahas, Daniel J. John of Damascus on Islam: the 'Heresy of the Ishmaelites'
    903. Saint Anastase le Perse et l'histoire de la Palestine au debut du Vlle siecle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1992).
    904. Saint Jean l'Eremopolite, AB 86 (1968), 13-20.
    905. Saint Rawl a!-QurasT: etude cl'onomastique arabe et authenticite de sa passion, Le Museon 105 (1992), 343-59.
    906. Saints' Lives with a Difference: Elijah on John of Tella (d. 538) and Joseph on Theodotus of Amida (cl. 698), in Drijvers et al., eds., IV Symposium Syriacum, 203-16.
    907. Sako, Louis R.M. Lettre chrislologique du patriai·che syro-oriental lso'yahb I! de Gdiilii (Rome, 1983).
    908. Samaritan History: 4. The Byzantine and Moslem Period, in idem,
    909. Samir, Samir Khalil. Date de composition de la 'Somme des aspects de la foi,'
    910. Samuel de Qalamoun (Paris, 1894).
    911. Samuelian, Thomas J., eel. Classical Armenum Culture: Influences and Creativity (Univeristy of Pennsylvania Armenian Texts and Studies 4; Philadelphia, 1982).
    912. Samuk, S.M. Die historischen Uberlieferungen nach Jbn ls iiq. Eine synoptische Untersuchung (Ph.D. thesis; Frankfurt, 1978).
    913. Sanduq, 'Izz al-Din al-. Iajar I_Iafnat al-AbyacJ, Sumer 11 (1955), 213-17. Sansterre, Jean Marie. Les biographies de Maxime le Confesseur (review art.),
    914. Saracens and Rornans: Micro-Macro Relationships, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 274 (1989), 71-79; repr. in idem, Monks, 313-21.
    915. Sauvaget, Jean. Les inscriptions arabes de la mosquee de Bosra, Syria 22 (1941), 53-65.
    916. Schafer, Peter. Research into Rabbinic Literature: an Attempt to Define the Status Quaestionis, .J.JS 37 (1986), 139-52.
    917. Scher, Adda.i. Catalogue des m.anuscrits syriaques et arabes conserves dans la bibliolheque episcopale de Seert (Mosul, 1905).
    918. Schi::inborn, C. von. Sophrone de Jfrusalem: vie monastique et confession dogm.a_ tique (Paris, 1972).
    919. Schick, Robert, eds. Bila.d al-Sham during the Umayyad Period, 41 A.H./661 A.D.-131 A.H./749 A.D.: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference, Third Symposium, 2 vols. (Amman, 1989).
    920. Schick, Robert, eds. Bilad al-Sham during the Abbasid Period, 132 A.H./750 A.D.-451 A.H./1059 A.D.: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference, 2 vols. (Amman, 1991).
    921. Schick, Robert. Jordan on the Eve of the Muslim Conquest A.D. 602-634, in Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrie de Byzance a /'Islam., 107-20.
    922. Schirmann, Jefim. Hebrew Liturgical Poetry and Christian Hymnology, JQR
    923. Schmoldt, Hans. Die Schrift 'vom jungen Daniel' und 'Daniels let:;;te Vision.' Herausgabe und Interpretation zweier apokalyptischer Texte (Ph.D. thesis; Hamburg, 1972).
    924. Schoeler, Gregor. Die Frage der schriftlichen oder miindlichen Uberlieferung der Wissenschaften im friihen Islam, Der Islam 62 (1985), 201-30.
    925. Schove, D. Justin (with A. Fletcher). Chronology of Eclipses and Comets AD
    926. Schreckenberg, H. Die christlichen Aclversus-Judaeos Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld, 1-11 Jh. (Frankfurt. am Main, 1990).
    927. Schreiner, Martin. Z11r Geschicht.e der Polemik zwischen Juclen und Muham_ medanern, ZDMG' 42 (1888), 591-67,5.
    928. Schrier, Omert J. Chronological Problems Concerning the Lives of Severus bar Ma.sqa, Athanasius of Balad, Julianus Romaya, Yol annan Saba, George of the Arabs and Jacob of Edessa, OC 75 (1991), 62-90.
    929. Schultze, Karl. Das Martyrium des hl. Abo van Tifiis (Texte und Untersuchungen 28; Leipzig, 1905).
    930. Schwabe, M. 'Aseret l_iaverav ha-yehudim she! Mul ammad, Tarbi:: 2 (1931), 74-89.
    931. Scott, Roger. The Classical Tradition in Byzantine Historiography,'' in idem and Margaret Mullett, eds., By::anlium and the Classical Tradition (13th Sym_ posium of Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, 1979; Birmingham, 1981), 61-74.
    932. Scott, Roger. Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-813 (Oxford, 1997).
    933. Scott, Walter. The Last Sibylline Oracle of Alexandria,'' Classical Quarterly 9 (1915), 144-66; 10 (1916), 7-16.
    934. scr. syri 152-53; Leuven, 1973).
    935. Sears, Stuart D. The Sasanir111 Style Coins of 'Muhammad' and Some Related Coins, Yarmou/.: Numismalics 7 {1415/1995), 7-19.
    936. Sebeos, the Jews and the Rise of Islam, Studies in Muslim-Jewish Relations 2 (1995). 89-102.
    937. Segal, J.B. Syriac Chronicles as Source l\lat.erial for the History of Islamic Peo_ ples, in Lewis and Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East, 246-58.
    938. Semitica 3 (1950), 67-72.
    939. separately (Brussels, 1923).
    940. Separation of the Churches, By::antion 58 ( 1988), 295-308.
    941. September 8 (Hl78), 997-98.
    942. ser. vii, 10 (1877), 451-517; 12 (1878), 245-347; 13 (1879), 291-386.
    943. ser. x, 8 (1906), 259-93.
    944. Serjeant, R.B. The Sumwh Jiimi'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews and the Ta/:irim of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So_ called 'Constitution of Medina,' BSOAS 41 (1978), 1-42.
    945. Settlement of Property Disputes in Provincial Egypt: the Reinstitu_ tion of Courts in the Early Islamic Period, al-Masfiq 6 (1993), 95-105.
    946. Sevcenko, Ihor. Hagiography of the Iconoclast Period, in Bryer and Herrin, eds.,
    947. Seybold, C.F. Review of: Histoire nestorienne (Chronique de Seert) par Addai Scher, ZD!l!G 66 (1912), 742-46.
    948. Sezgin, Fuat. ( GAS =) Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols. to date (Leiden, 1967-proceecling).
    949. Shahbazi, A. Shahpur. ''On the Xwaday-Namag, Acta Iranica ser. iii, 16 (1990), 208-29 (Irnnica Vario: Papers in Honor of Professor Ehsan Yarshater).
    950. Shahid, Irfan. (BAF!C =) By=antium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century (Wash_ ington, 1989).
    951. Shakecl, Shaul. Dualism in Trnnsformation: Varieties of Religion m Sasanian Iran (Jordan Lectures XVI, Hl91; London, 1994).
    952. Sharafaddin, Ahmad Husain. Some Islamic Inscriptions Discovered on the Darb Zubayda, Atlc7l l (1397 /1977), 69-70 (and plates 49-50).
    953. Sharf, Andrew. Byzantine Jewry in the Seventh Century, BZ 48 (1955), 103-15. A Source for Byzantine Jewry under the Early Macedonians,
    954. Shboul, Ahmad. Umayyad Damascus: Notes on its Population and Culture Based on Ibn 'Asakir's History, Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    955. Shemaly, B. ThawuITI ibn Tuma al-Maru111, al-Machriq 2 (1899), 356-58.
    956. Sherwood, Polycarp. An Annotated Date-List of the Works of Maxim us the Con_ fessor (Studia Anselmiana 30: Rome, I 952).
    957. Shinan, A. The 'Palestinian' Targurns-Repetitions, Internal Unity, Contradic_ tions, JJS 36 (1985), 72-87.
    958. Shtober, Shimon. l\fol amrnad and the Beginning of Islam in the Chronicle Sefer Divrey Yoseph, in Moshe Sharon, eel., Studies in Islamic History and Civil_ isatzon in Hono11r of Profe8sor Dauid Ayalon (Jerusalem, 1986), 319-52.
    959. Sibylline Oracles (Second Century B.C.-Seventh Century A.D.), in Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 317-472.
    960. Silver, Abba Hillel. A History of Messianic Speculation in Israel from the First through the Seventeenth Centuries (Gloucester, Mass., 1978).
    961. Simonsen, J¢rgen Baek. Studies in the Genesis and Early Development of the Caliphal Taxation System (Copenhagen, 1988).
    962. Slane, Baron de. Catalogt1e des manuscrits arabes de la Bibliotheque Nationale, premier fascicule (Paris, 1883).
    963. Slaves on Horses: the Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge,
    964. Smith, Sidney. Events in Arabia in the 6th Century A.D., BSOAS 16 (1954), 425-68.
    965. Smith, William, and Cheetham, Samuel. (DCA =) A Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 2 vols. (London, 1875-80).
    966. Society and Religion from Jahiliyya to Islam (Variorum CS 327; Alder_ shot, 1990).
    967. Soloi: Dix campagnes de fouilles (1964-1974): volume premier (Recherches archeologiques de I 'Universite Laval; Sainte-Foy, 1985).
    968. Some Reports concerning Mecca: From Jahiliyya to Islam, JESHO
    969. Some Unpublished Arabic Sayings Attributed to Theodore Abu Qur_ rah, Le Museon 92 (1979), 29-35.
    970. Sources for the First Century of Islam, Middle East Studies Associ_ ation Bulletin 12.3 (1978), 19-28.
    971. Sourdel-Thomine, Janine. Inscriptions et graffiti arabes d'epoque umayyade a propos de quelques publications recentes, Revue des etudes islamiques 32 (1964), 115-20.
    972. Sourdel, Dominique. Un pamphlet musulman anonyme d'epoque 'abba.sside cen_ tre !es chretiens, Revue des etudes islamiques 34 (1966), 1-33.
    973. Sprenger, A. Mul ammad's Zusammenkunft mit dem Einsiedler Bal yrii, ZDMG
    974. Spuler, Bertold. Der Verlauf der Islamisierung Persiens, Der Islam 29 (1950), 63-76.
    975. Starr, Joshua. Byzantine Jewry on the Eve of the Arab Conquest (565-638),
    976. Steinschneider, Moritz. Apocalypsen mit polemischer Tendenz, ZDMG 28 (1874), 627-59; 29 (1875), 162-66.
    977. Stellung und Bedeutung des Katholicos-Patriarchen von Seleukeia_ h'.tesiphon im Altertum,'' OC 53 (1969), 227-45.
    978. Stellung und Haltung der koptischen Patriarchen des 7. Jahrhunderts gegeniiber islamischer Obrigkeit und Islam, in Orlandi and Wisse, eds., Second International Congress of Coptic Studies, 203-13.
    979. Stenhouse, Paul. Samaritan Chronicles, in Crown, ed., The Samaritans, 218-65.
    980. Stenning, John F. The Targum of Isaiah (Oxford, 1949).
    981. Stephanitzes, P.D. Sylloge diaphori5n prorresei5n (Athens, 1838).
    982. Stephen of Ramlah and the Christian Kerygma in Arabic in Ninth_ Century Palestine, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36 (1985), 23-45; repr. in idem, Arabic Christianity, VII.
    983. Stern, S.M., Ya'qub the Coppersmith and Persian National Sentiment, in C.E. Bosworth, ed., Iran and Islam: In Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky (Edinburgh, 1971), 535-55.
    984. Stern, Sacha David. Jewish Identity in Early Rabbinic Writings (Leiden, 1994).
    985. Stillman, Norman A. The Jews of Arab Lands: a History and Source Book
    986. Stone, Michael E. Armenian Pilgrims and Pilgrimages, in idem, The Arme_ nian Inscriptions from the Sinai (Harvard Armenian Texts and Studies 6; Harvard, 1982), 25-52.
    987. Strack, 1-I.L., and Sternberger, G. lntmduction to the Talmud and J\.fidrash (tr.
    988. Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, 5 vols. (English tr.; Amsterdam,
    989. Stroumsa, Gedaliahu G. Religious Contacts in Byzantine Palestine, Numen 36 (1989), 16-42.
    990. Stroumsa, Sarah. The Signs of Prophecy: the Emergence and Early Development of a Theme in Arabic Theological Literature, Harvard Theological Review 78 (1985), 101-14.
    991. Studemund, W., and Cohn, L. Ver::eiclmis der griechischen Handschriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin, 1890).
    992. Studies 26 (1975), 38-54.
    993. Studies in Classical and Ottoman Islam (7th-16th Centuries) (Vario_ rum CS 54; London, 1976).
    994. Studies in Jiihiliyya and Early Islam (Variorum CS 123; London, 1980).
    995. Studies in Syriac Christianity: History, Literature and Theology (Var_ iorum CS 357; Aldershot, 1992).
    996. Studying Early Tafsfr Texts (review art. of C.H.M. Versteegh, Arabic Grammar and Qur'anic Exegesis in Early Islam, Leiden, 1993), Der Islam 72 (1995), 310-23.
    997. Suermann, Harald. L 'apocalypse copte de Daniel et la chute des Omayyades,
    998. Sukenik, E.L. Ancient Synagogues in Palestine and Greece (Schweich Lectures,
    999. supplement 4 (1980), 148-50.
    1000. Sviri, Sara. Wa-rahbiinzyatan ibtada 'iihii: an Analysis of Traditions concerning the Origin and Evaluation of Christian Monasticism, JSAI 13 (1990), 195- 208.
    1001. Swanson, Mark N. ''Some Considerations fort.he Dating of Fz ta1lz1 Alliih al-wii id (Sinai Ar. 154) and al-G'iimi' wt1giih al-zmiin (London, British Library Or. 4950),'' Pc/0 18 (1993), 115-41.
    1002. Swartz, Merlin. The Position of Jews in Arab Lands following the Rise of Islam,
    1003. Syriac Historical Writing: a Survey of the Main Sources, Journal of the Iraqi Academy, Syriac Corporation 5 (1979-80), 297-326 (1-30 in English pagination); repr. in idem, Studies, I.
    1004. Syriac Perspectives on Bilad al-Sham during the Abbasid Period, in Bakhit and Schick, eds., Bi/ad al-Shii.m during the Abbasid Period, 1-44.
    1005. Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity (Variorum CS 199; London, 1984).
    1006. Syriac Sources for Seventh-Century History, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 2 (1976), 17-36; repr. in idem, Syriac Perspectives, VII.
    1007. Syriac Symposium of America, Washington DC, June 1995.
    1008. Syrische [( anonessammlungen. Ein Beitrag zur Quellenkunde, 2 vols.
    1009. Syrischer Rechtsbiicher, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1907-14).
    1010. Szoverffy, Josef. A Gt1ide to By=antine Hymnography: a Classified Bibliography of Texts and Studies, 2 vols. (Brookline, Mass., and Leiden, 1978-79).
    1011. T Jews in the Byzantine Empire 641-1204 (Athens, 1939). Stavenhagen, Lee. The Original Text of the Latin Morienus, Ambix 17 (1970),
    1012. T Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity AD 395-600 (London,
    1013. T Saints of Egypt (London, 1937).
    1014. T Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford, 1978). Res ipsa loquitur: History and Mimesis (Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Albert Einstein Memorial Lecture; Jerusalem, 1987).
    1015. T Thousands of Abu Ma'shar (London, 1968).
    1016. Tabbaa, Yasser. The Transformation of Arabic Writing, Ars Orientalis 21 (1991), 119-48 (Qur'anic Calligraphy); 24 (1994), 119-47 (The Public Text).
    1017. Tafa.zolli, A. Anthologie de Zadspram (Paris, 1993).
    1018. Tafsfr Ibn 'Abbas and Criteria for Dating Early Tafsfr Texts, JSAI
    1019. Tarabishi, Muta'. ''Ruwat al-maghazI wa-1-siyar 'an Mul ammad ibn Isl a.q, Revue de l'Academie ambe de Damas 56 (1981), 533-609.
    1020. Tartar, Georges. Dialogue islamo-chretien sous le calife Al-Ma 'mun (813-834): les epitres d'Al-Hashimi et d'Al-J{indi (Paris, 1985).
    1021. Tavadia, J ehangir C. Die 111 ittelpersische Sprnche und Literatt1r der Zarathustrier
    1022. Tawiirfkh suryiinfya min al-quriin 7-9 m.. (Iraqi Academy Publications, Syriac Corporation; Baghdad, 1982).
    1023. Taxation in Egypt under the Arab Conquest, Orient (Tokyo) 15 (1979), 71-99.
    1024. Taylor, F.S. A Survey of Greek Alchemy, Journal of Hellenic Studies 50 (1930), 109-39.
    1025. Tcherikower, E. Jewish Martyrologyand JewishHistoriography, Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science 1 (1946), 9-23.
    1026. Ter-Lewondyan, Aram N. Observations sur la situation polit.ique et economique de l'Armenie aux Vlle-L\e siecles, REA 18 (1984), 197-213.
    1027. Ter-Mkrtichyan, L.Kh. Armyanskie istoclmiki o Palestine V-XVIII BB. (Moscow,
    1028. Texts as Weapons: Polemic in the Byzantine Dark Ages, in Alan K. Bowman and Greg Woolf, eds., Litemcy and Power in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1994), 198-215.
    1029. The Age of Conversions: a Reassessment, in Gervers and Bikhazi, eds., Conversion and Continuity, 135-50.
    1030. The Apocalyptic Genre in Syriac: the World of Pseudo-Methodius, in Drijvers et al., eds., IV Symposium Syriacum, 337-52.
    1031. The Apocalyptic Imagination: an Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York, 1984).
    1032. The Apology of Timothy the Patriarch before the Caliph Mahdi,
    1033. The Arab Character of the Christian Disputation with Islam: the Case of John of Damascus (ca. 655-ca. 749), in Lewis and Niewi:ihner, eds., Religionsgespriiche im Mittelalter, 185-205.
    1034. The Arab Conquests and Agriculture: a Seventh-Century Apocalypse, Satellite Imagery and Palynology, Asian and African Studies (Journal of the Israel Oriental Society) 19 (1985), 1-15.
    1035. The Arabs and Mediaeval Europe (London, 1975).
    1036. The Argument from Design: a Mu'tazilite Treatise Attributed to al-JalJi , in Samuel Lowinger and Joseph Somogyi, eds., Ignace Gold:::iher Memorial Volume, Part I (Budapest, 1948), 150-62.
    1037. The Art and Non-Art of Byzantine Polemics: Patterns of Refutation in Byzantine Anti-Islamic Literature, in Gervers and Bikhazi, eds., Conver_ sion and Continuity, 55-73.
    1038. The Astronomy of the Mamluks: a Brief Overview, Muqarnas 2 (1984), 73-84.
    1039. The Attitude of the Jews and Their Role towards the Arab-Islamic Conquest of Bilad al-Sham, in Bakhit, ed., Biliid al-Shiim during the Early Islamic Period, 1.175-79.
    1040. The Availability of Books in the Byzantine Empire, A.D. 750-850, in Byzantine Books and Bookm.en (Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium; Washington DC, 1975), 29-46; repr. in idem, By:::antium and its Image, VII.
    1041. The Beginnings of Syriac Apologetic Literature in Response to Islam,
    1042. The Breviarum of the Patriarch Nicephorus, in Nia A. Stratos, ed.,
    1043. The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East III: States, Resources and Armies (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1.3; Princeton, 1995).
    1044. The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East IV: Patterns of Com_ munal Identity (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1.4; Princeton, forthcoming).
    1045. The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition (posthumous edition by Dorothy deF. Abra.hamse; Berkeley, 1985).
    1046. The Cambridge Histoi·y of Iran, Volume 4: the Period from the Arab Invasion to the Salyuqs (Cambridge, 1975).
    1047. The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa, ZDMG 53 (1899), 261-327.
    1048. The Conquest of Arwad: a Source-Critical Study in the Histori_ ography of the Early Medieval Near East, in Cameron and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I, 317-401.
    1049. The Content and Context of Early Arabic Inscriptions, JSAI, forth_ coming.
    1050. The Correspondence between Leo III (717-41) and 'Umar II {717- 20). A ram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    1051. The Discussion of a Christian and a Saracen by John of Damascus,
    1052. The Earliest Arab Apology for Christianity (c. 750), in idem and Nielsen, eels., Christian Ambic Apologl'lic.s, -57-114.
    1053. The Earliest Latin Lives of Mul ammad, in Gervers and Bikhazi, eds., Conversion and Continuity, 89-10 I.
    1054. The Early Arab Urban Foundations in Iraq and Egypt: Implications for Trade and Exchange, in idem and G.R.D. King, eels., The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, V: Trade and Exchange (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1; Princeton, forthcoming).
    1055. The Eastern Provinces in the Seventh Century AD: Hellenism and the Emergence of Islam, in Suzanne Sai:d, ed., quelques jalons pour tme histoire de l'identite grecque (Colloque de Strasbourg, 1989; Leiden, 1991), 287-313; repr. in Cameron, Changing Cultures, IV.
    1056. The Effects of the Muslim Conquest on the Persian Population of Iraq, Iran 14 (1976), 41-55.
    1057. The Emergence of Islamic Civilisation, in S.N. Eisenstadt, ed., The Origins and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations (SUNY Series in Near East_ ern Studies; Albany, New York, 1986), 476-83.
    1058. The Exilarchate, in Daniel Frank, ed., The Jews of Medieval Islam: Community, Society and Identity (Leiden, 1995), 33-65.
    1059. The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel in Tur 'Abdin, Os_ tkirchliche Studien 28 (1979), 168-82.
    1060. The First Christian Summa Theologiae in Arabic: Christian Kalam in Ninth-Century Palestine, in Gervers and Bikhazi, eds., Conversion and Continuity, 15-31.
    1061. The Formation of the Islamic State, JAOS 106 (1986), 283-96.
    1062. The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles: a Syriac Apocalypse from the Early Islamic Period, in Cameron and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I, 189-213.
    1063. The Greek Influence on Early Islamic Mathematical Astronomy,
    1064. The Heraclian Dynasty in Muslim Eschatology, al-Qan.tara 13 (1992), 3-23.
    1065. The Historical Compilation of Vardan Arewelc'i, DOP 43 (1989), 125-226.
    1066. The Holy Land in History and Thought: Pape1·s Submitted to the International Conference on the Relations between the Holy Land and the World Outside It, Johannesburg 1986 (Leiden, 1988). Jerusalem and Mecca, the Temple and the Kaaba: an Account of Their Interrelation in Islamic Times, in Sharon, ed., Holy Land, 236-46.
    1067. The Icons before Iconoclasm, Harvard Theological Review 44 (1951), 93-106; repr. in idem, Byzantine Studies XV, 226-39.
    1068. The IVIiracles of Jesus in Early Islamic Polemic, JSS 39 (1994), 221-43.
    1069. The J\'itab al-Tiirikh of Kha!Ifa b. Khayya.t, Arabica 16 (1969), 79- 81.
    1070. The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Fii[imid Caliphs, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1920-22).
    1071. The Legend of the Monk Bal).fra, the Cult of the Cross and Icono_ clasm, in Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., La Syrie de Byzance a l'lslam, 47-58.
    1072. The Life of St. Andrew the Fool Reconsidered, Rivista di studi bizantini e slavi 2 (1982), 297-313; repr. in idem, Byzantium. and its Image, VIII.
    1073. The Literary Sources for Byzantium and Early Islam. Collaborative Work in Great Britain: Report on Progress, in Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrie de Byzance a /'Islam, 3-13.
    1074. The Literary Use of the Khabar: a Basic Form of Historical Writing, in Cameron and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East [, 277-315.
    1075. The Literature of Fact (New York, 1976), 21-44.
    1076. The M11,rn111wf of 'Abd al-Razziiq al-$an'ii.n1 as a Source of Authentic
    1077. The Making of Islam (review art.), The Times Literary Supplement,
    1078. The Medieval Polemics between Islam and Judaism, in S.D. Goitein, ed., Religion in a Religious Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 103-38.
    1079. The Mission of Dil ya al-Kalhi and the Situation in Syria, JSAI 14 (1991), 84-114.
    1080. The Monks of Palestine and the Growth of Christian Literature in Arabic, Muslim World 78 (1988), 1-28; repr. in idem, Arabic Christianity, III.
    1081. The Origins of the Christian World Chronicle, in idem and Emmett, eds., History and Historians in Late Antiquity, 116-31; repr. in Croke, Brian, Christian Chronicles and Byzantine History, 5th-6th Centuries (Variorum CS 386; Aldershot, 1992), III.
    1082. The Prophet Mutammad, his Scripture and his Message according to the Christian Apologies in Arabic and Syriac from the First Abbasid Century, in Fahd, ed., Vie du prophete Mahomet, 99-146; repr. in Griffith, Arabic Christianity, I.
    1083. The Sanctity of Jerusalem and Palestine in Early Islam, in idem, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden, 1966), 135-48.
    1084. The Search for the Past in Byzantium around the Year 800, DOP
    1085. The Settlement Pattern of Southern Jordan: the Nature of the Evi_ dence, in hing and Cameron, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II, 133-54.
    1086. The Seventh Century in Byzantine-Muslim Relations: Characteristics and Forces, International Christian Muslim Relations 2 ( 1991), 3-22.
    1087. The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre: a Study in the History of Historiography (Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 9; Uppsala, 1987).Sources of Pseudo-Dionysius for the Third Part of his Chronicle, Orientalia Suecana 40 (1991), 2-52-75.
    1088. The Temple Mount, AD 614-638, in Raby and Johns, eds., Bayt al-Maqdis, 1-16.
    1089. The Testament of our Lord: Jacob of Edessa's Response to Islam,
    1090. The Tradition of Byzantine Chronography, Harvard Ukrainian Stud_ ies 12-13 (1988-89), 360-72.
    1091. The Trophies of Damascus: the Church, the Temple and Sacred Space, Les cahiers du CEPOA 7 (Actes du colloque de Cartigny, 1988; Leuven, 1995), 203-12.
    1092. The Umayyads as Ahl al-Bayt, JSAI 14 (1991), 115-52.
    1093. The Works of Anastnsius of Sinai: a Key Source for the History of Seventh-Century East Mediterranean Society and Belief, in Cameron and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I, 107-47.
    1094. Theodore Abu Qurrah: the Intellectual Profile of an Arab Christian Writer of the First Abbasid Century, The Irene Halmos Chair of Arabic Literature, Annual Lecture (Tel Aviv, 1992).
    1095. Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra. Eine Geschichte des 1·eligiosen Denkens im friihen Islam, 6 vols. (Berlin and New York, 1991-proceeding).
    1096. Theophanes and the Arabic Historical Tradition: Some Indications of Intercultural Transmission, Byzantinische Forschungen 15 (1990), 1-44.
    1097. Thiimmel, Hans Georg. Die Friihgeschichte der ostkirchlichen Bilderlehre. Tei:te und Untersuchungen ::1ir Zeit uor elem Bilclerstreite (Texte und Untersuchun_ gen 139; Berlin, 1992).
    1098. Thomas de Marga: notule de litterature syriaque, Le Museon 78 (1965), 361-66.
    1099. Thomas, David. Anti-Christian Polemic in Early Islam: Abu 'lsii al-Warriiq's 'Against the Trinity' (Cambridge, 1992).
    1100. Thomson, Robert W. Moses I{horenats'i: History of the Armenians (Harvard,
    1101. Thorossian, H. Histoire de la litlerature armenienne des origines Jusqu'a nos Jours
    1102. Tihon, Anne. Le 'Petit Commentaire' de Th eon d 'Alei:andrie aux Tables Faciles de Ptolemee (Studi e Testi 282; Vatican City, 1978).
    1103. Tillyard, H.J.W. Byzantine Music and Hymnography (London, 1923).
    1104. tions et Belles-Lettres ser. i, 8.2 (1874), 371-445.
    1105. Todt, S.R. Die syrische und die arabische Weltgeschichte des Bar Hebraeus-ein Vergleich, Der Islam 65 ( 1988), 60-80.
    1106. Towards a Prehistory ofislam, JSAI 17 (1994), 108-41.
    1107. Treadgold, Warren T. The Byzantine Revival 780-842 (Stanford, 1988).
    1108. Tritton, A.S. The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim SubJects: a Critical Study of the Covenant of 'Umar (London, 1970).
    1109. Trois auteurs chalcedoniens syriens: Georges de Martyropolis, Con_ stantin et Leon de f:Iarran, Orientalia Lovanensia Periodica 3 (1972), 125- 53.
    1110. Troupeau, Gerard. De quelques apocalypses conservees clans des manuscrits arabes de Paris, PdO 18 (1993), 7.5-87.
    1111. Tsafrir, Y., and Foerster, G. The Dating of the 'Earthquake of the Sabbatical Year' of 749 C.E. in Palestine, BSOAS 5.5 (1992), 231-35.
    1112. Tucker, William F. Bayan b. Sam'an and t.he Bayaniyya: Shi'ite Extremists of Umayyad Iraq, Afoslim World 6-5 (197,5), 241-53.
    1113. Twitchett, Denis, and Fairbank, J.K., eds. The Cam.b1·idge History of China, Volume 3: Sui and T'ang China, 589-906, Part I (Cambridge, 1979).
    1114. Two Jacobite Bishops: Theodotus (d. 698) and Simeon (d. 734), and Their Relations with the Umayyad Authorities, Fourth International Conference of the ARAM Society, Oxford, September 1993.
    1115. Two Legal Problems bearing on the Early History of the Qur'an,
    1116. Two Sets of Monothelete Questions to the Maximianists, Orientalia Lovanensia Periodica 17 (1986), 119-40; repr. in idem., Studies, XV.
    1117. Tyckoczynski, Hayyim. Busta.nay Rosh ha-Gola, Devir 1 (1923), 145-79.
    1118. Ullmann,Manfred. Die Natur- und Geheim.wissenschaften im. Islam (Leiden,
    1119. Un colloque du patriarche Jean avec !'emir des Agareens et faits divers des annees 712 a. 716, JA ser. xi, 5 (1915), 225-79.
    1120. Un nouveau texte pour l'histoire judeo-byzantine, Revue des etudes juives 87 (1929), 1-27.
    1121. Une controverse de Johannan de Li'ta.rb, PdO 15 (1988-89), 197-213.
    1122. Une encyclopedie m.azdeenne: le Denkart (Paris, 1958).
    1123. Une formule grecque de renonciation au Judaisme, Bormannheft der Wiener Studien, XXIV Jahrg., Heft 2.
    1124. Usener, H. De Stephano Alexandrina com.mentatio (Bonn, 1880); repr. in idem., J([eine Schriften, vol. 3 (Leipzig, 1914), 247-322 (also gives pagination of the original edition, which I cite in this book).
    1125. Ushsh, Ivluhammad Abu I-Faraj al-. Kita.bat 'arabiya ghayr manshura fi jabal Usays, al-Ab/1iith 17 (1964), 227-316. CSCO 420 subsidia 59; Leuven, 1980).
    1126. Vailhe, Simeon. La prise de Jerusalem par Jes Perses en 614, ROG 6 (1901), 643-49.
    1127. Vanstiphout, H.L.J., eds. Dispute Poems and Dialogues in the An_ cient and Mediaeval Near East (Orientalia lovaniensia analecta 42; Leuven, 1991).
    1128. Vasiliev, A.A. The Iconclast.ic Edict oft.he Caliph Yazid II, A.O. 721, DOP 9-10 (195-5-56), 23-47.
    1129. Vaux, R. de. Une mosa·ique byzantine a Ma'in (Transjorclanie), Revue biblique
    1130. Vereno, I. Studien zum altesten alchem.istischen Schrifttum. auf der Grund/age zweier erstmals edierter arabischer Hermetica (Berlin, 1992).
    1131. Versteegh, C.H.M. Arabic Gram.mar and Qur'iinic Exegesis in Early Islam. (Lei_ den, 1993).
    1132. Vienna, 1924).
    1133. VIie siecles, in Hagiographie, cultures et societes {IVe-Vlle siecles): eludes augustiniennes (Paris, 1981), 143-55; repr. in idem, La romanite chretienne en Orient (Variorum CS 193; London, 1984), IV.
    1134. Vocht, Constant de. Maxim us Confessor, Theologische Realenzyklopadie 22
    1135. vol. 1 (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 9; Oxford, 1992).
    1136. vol. 1 (Paris, 1859).
    1137. vols. 1-12 (Brussels, 1898-1936).
    1138. Voobus, Arthur. Syriac and Arabic Documents regarding Legislation Relative to Syrian Asceticism. (Stockholm, 1960).
    1139. Voorhis, John W. John of Damascus on the Muslim Heresy, Muslim World 24 (1934), 391-98.
    1140. Waegemann, Maryse. Les traites Ac/versus Juclaeos: aspects des relations judeo_ chretiennes clans le monde grec, Byzantion 56 (1985), 295-313.
    1141. Wakeman, Charles Bunnell. Hsi Jung (the Western Barbarians): an Annotated Translation of the Five Chapters of the 'T'ung Tien' on the People and Coun_ tries of Pre-Islamic Centred Asia (Ph.D. thesis, University of California; Los Angeles, 1990).
    1142. Walker, John. A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum., vol. 1: Arab-Sasanian Coins (London, 1941), vol. 2: Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umayyad Coins (London, 1956).
    1143. Wallenstein, M. Some Unpublished Piyyutim. from the Cairo Genizah (Manchester, 1956).
    1144. Walmsley, Alan G. The Social and Economic Regime at Fihl (Pella) between the 7th and 9th Centuries, in Canivet and Rey-Coquais, eds., Syrie de Byzance a /'Islam, 249-61.
    1145. Walter, Christopher. The Origins of the Cult of St. George, AB 53 (1995), 295-326.
    1146. Waltz, J. The Significance of the Voluntary Martyrs Movement of Ninth-Century Cordoba, Muslim World 60 (1970), 143-59, 226-36.
    1147. Wansbrough, John E. Qt1ranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Inter_ pretation (Oxford, 1977).
    1148. Wasserstein, David J. A La.tin Lament on the Prevalence of Arabic in Ninth_ Century Islamic Cordoba.,'' in Alan Jones, ed., Arabicus Felix: Luminosus Brittanicus. Essays in Honour of A.F.L. Beeston on his Eightieth Birthday (Oxford, 1991), 1-7.
    1149. Wasserstrpm, Steven M. The 'Isawiyya Revisited, Studia Islamica 75 (1992), 57-80.
    1150. Watson, Andrew M. Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World: the Dif_ fusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700-1100 (Cambridge, 1983).
    1151. Waxman, Meyer. A History of Jewish Literature, Volume 1: From the Close of the Canon to the End of the Twelfth Century (New York, 1930).
    1152. Weissenstern, Nachum. Piyiife Yo annan ha-Kohen bi-rabbi Jehoshu'a (Ph.D. thesis, Hebrew University; Jerusalem, 1983).
    1153. Weiteres zur Frage der schriftlichen oder miindlichen Uberlieferung der Wissenschaften im Islam, Der Islam 66 (1989), 38-67.
    1154. Wellesz, Egon. A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (revised edition; Oxford, 1961).
    1155. Wellhausen, .Julius. Ski::::en und Vorarbeiten, 6 vols. in 4 (Berlin 1884-89).
    1156. Wensinck, Arent Jan. The Muslim Creed: Its Genesis and Historical Development
    1157. Werkmeister, Walter. Quellenuntersuchungen zum Kitab al-'Iqd al-Jarid des An_ dalusiers Ibn 'Abdrabbih (:346/860-328/940). Ein Betrag zur arabischen Lit_ eraturgeschichte (Berlin, 1983).
    1158. West, E.W. Pahlavi Texts, 5 parts, in F. Max Miiller, ed., The Sacred Books of the East (vols. 5, 18, 24, 37, 42; Oxford, 1880-97).
    1159. Whelan, Estelle. The Origins of the Mi rab Mujawwaf: a Reinterpretation,
    1160. WhiLcomb, Donald. Am,5ar in Syria.? Syrian Cities after the Conquest, Aram 6 (1994), forthcoming.
    1161. Whitby, Michael. Greek Historical Writing after Procopius: Variety and Vital_ ity, in Cameron and Conrad, eds., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East I, 25-80.
    1162. White, Hayden. The Fictions of Factual Representation, in Angus Fletcher, ed.,
    1163. Whittow, Mark. The Making of Orthodo:i: By::antium, 600-1025 (Basingstoke and London, 1996).
    1164. Who Wrote the Chronicle of Theophanes? , Zbornik Radova Vizan_ toloskog Instituta 18 (1978), 9-17; repr. in idem, Byzantium and its Image, XI.
    1165. Wi.insche, August. Aus Israels Lehrhallen. Kleine Midraschim zur jiidischen Es_ chatologie und Apokalyptik. 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1907-10).
    1166. Wi.istenfeld, Ferdinand. Die Chroniken der Stadt Mekka I: Geschichte und Beschreibung cler Stadt Mekka van Abu/- Walid Muhammed ben Abdallah el_ A::raqi (Leipzig, 1858}.
    1167. Widengren, Geo. Leitende ldeen und Quellen der iranischen Apokalyptik, in
    1168. Wie ist das Wort Al-Mas1h zu iibersetzen?, ZDMG 104 (1954), 119- 23.
    1169. Wigram, W.A. The Separation of the Monophysites (London, 1923).
    1170. Wilken, Robert L. The Land Called Holy: Palestine in Christian History and Thought (New Haven, 1992).
    1171. Wilkinson, John. Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster, 1977).
    1172. Williams, A. Lukyn. Adversus Juclaeos: a Bird's-Eye View of Christian Apologiae until the Renaissance (Cambridge, 1935).
    1173. Wilson, Nigel G. Scholars of By::antium (London, 1983).
    1174. Winter, J., and Wiinsche, August, eds. Geschichte cler rabbinischen Literatur wa.hrend des Mittelalters (Die jiidische Literatur seit Abschluss des Kanons, zweiter Band; Trier, 1894).
    1175. Wisse, Frederik, eds. Acts of the Second International Congress of Coptic Studies, Roma 1980 (Rome, 1985).
    1176. Witakowski, Witold. Chronicles ofEdessa, Orientalia Suecana 33-35 (1984-86), 487-98.
    1177. Witte, Bernd. Der koptische Text von M602 f. 52-f. 77 der Pierpont Morgan Library-wirklich eine Schrift des Athanasius?, OC 78 (1994), 123-30.
    1178. Wolf, Kenneth Baxter. The Earliest Spanish Christian Views of Islam, Church History 55 (1986), 281-93.
    1179. Wolfenbiitteler Symposion, 1989; Wiesbaden, 1992).
    1180. Wolska-Conus, W. Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie: essai d'identifica.tion et de biographie, Revue des etudes byzantines 47 (1989), 5-89.
    1181. Woodbroke Studies 2 (Cambridge, 1928), 1-162.
    1182. World 41 (1951), 88-97.
    1183. Worp, K.A. Hegira Years in Greek, Greek-Coptic and Greek-Arabic Papyri,
    1184. Worsley, Peter. The Trumpet Shall Sound: a Study of Cargo Cults in Melanesia
    1185. Wortley, John. The Warrior-Emperor of the Andrew Salos Apocalypse, AB 88
    1186. Wright, F.A. The Works of Liudprand of Cremona (London, 1930).
    1187. Wright, William. (Catalogue=) A Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired Since the Year 1838, 3 vols. (London, 1870-72).
    1188. XVI. Jahrhundert (Opladen, 1985).
    1189. Ya.hya, Lutfi. Ist.iqbal bila.d a.I-sham li-1-fatl al-'arabi: a.1-khalfiya al-thaqafiya, in Bakhit, ed., Biliid al-Shiim during the Early Islamic Period, 3.29-46.
    1190. Yahalorn, Yosef. 'Al toqpan she! yc ffrot sifrut ke-maqor le-verur she'elot his\,oriyot, Catltedra 11 (1979), 125-33.
    1191. Yanney, R., ed. A New Martyr: Saint George the Egyptian, Coptic Church Review 3 (1982), 75-77 (and see page 50).
    1192. Yarshater, Ehsan, ed. ( CHlr. 3.1 =) Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 3.1: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods (Cambridge, 1983). ( CHir. 3.2 =) Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 3.2: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods (Cambridge, 1983).
    1193. Yemen in Early Islam: an Examination of Non-Tribal Traditions,
    1194. Yerushalmi, Yosef Hayim. Zaklwr: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle, 1982).
    1195. You Shall only Set out for Three Mosques:' a Study of an Early Tradition, Le Museon 82 (1969), 173-96; repr. in idem, Studies, XIII.
    1196. Young, M.J.L. An Unrecorded Arabic Version of a Sibylline Prophecy, OCP 43 (1977), 279-307.
    1197. Young, M.J.L., et al., eds. (CHALAP =) Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Religion, Learning and Science in the 'Abbasid Period (Cambridge, 1990).
    1198. Young, William G. The Church of the East in 650 A.D.: Patriarch Ishu'-Yab III and India, Indian Church History Review 2 (1968), 55- 71.
    1199. Yovsep'ian, Garegin. Yishatakarank' D:::eragrats' (Antelias, 1951).
    1200. Zarrinkub, 'Abd al-Husain. The Arab Conquest of Iran and its Aftermath, in Frye, ed., CHlr. 4, 1-56.
    1201. Zayyat, Habib. Shuhada.' al-na ranTya fi I-Islam, al-Machriq 36 (1938), 459-65. Zeitlin, Solomon. The Essenes and Messianic Expectations, ]QR 45 (1954-55),
    1202. ZD MG 48 (1894), 531-39.
    1203. ZDMG 29 (1875), 76-98.
    1204. Zeitschrift des deutschen Paliistina- Vereins 109 (1993), 73-82.
    1205. Zervos, G.T. Apocalypse of Daniel (Ninth Century A.D.), in Charlesworth, ed.,
    1206. Zeyadeh, Ali. Settlement Patterns, an Archaeological Perspective: Case Studies from Northern Palestine and Jordan, in King and Cameron, ed., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II, 117-31.
    1207. Zimmermann, F.W. Al-Farabi's Commentary and Short Treatise on Aristotle's De interpretatione (London, 1981).
    1208. Zimmermann, F.W. The Epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan, forthcoming. Crown, Alan D., ed. The Samaritans (Ti.ibingen, 1989).
    1209. Zoroastrian PahlavI Writings, in Yarshater, ed., CH!r. 3.2, 1166-95. Merrill, John Ernest. Of the Tractate of John of Damascus on Islam, Muslim
    1210. Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-Century Books (Oxford, 1943).
    1211. Zotenberg, H. Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques et sabeens (mandaites) de la Bibliotheque nationale (Paris, 1874).
    1212. Zur byzantinischen 'Monchschronik,' in idem, Jdeen und Realitaeten in Byzan::. Gesammelte Aufsaet::e (Variorurn CS 13; London, 1972), XVI; originally published in Speculum Historiale (Freiburg, 1965), 188-97.
    1213. Zur Geschichte der Araber im 1. Jahrh. d.H. aus syrischen Quellen,
    1214. Zur Geschichte und Deutung der friihislamischen .(-/arambauten in Jerusalem, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina- Vereins 107 (1991), 144-54.
    1215. Zurn Papyrusprotokoll in friiharabischer Zeit, Jahrbuch der osteiTeichischen Byzantinistik 9 (1960), 1-19.
    1216. Zwemer, Samuel M. The Law of Apostasy in Islam, Answering the Question Why Are There So Few Afuslim Co1werts (London, 1924).
    1217. Zwischen Jf adiJ und Theologie. Studien zum Entstehen pradestinat_ ischer Uberlieferung (Berlin and New York, 1975).

    © Peter Kirby (September 11, 2003). Reproduced without permission.


The Edict of Caliph Umar I (634/44 and 800 AD):
The constrains imposed by Muslim Rulers over Christians as stipulated by Arab-Muslim Caliphs

Introduction: The past and the recent present

Although the Arab-Islamic rule of what is called the so-called Arab and Islamic worlds began in the 7th century and is thought to have continued to our present day, this "world" was never Arab in its entirety nor was it ruled from a central government. In the beginning, it was ruled from main and major cities in Syria and Iraq but across 14 centuries it was governed from other locations of power until the Ottoman Turks created the Ottoman Empire and ruled from Istanbul. During the centuries of Ottoman Turkish rule it was known as Turkish or Ottoman until the collapse of this empire in 1918, at the end of World War I. However, throughout the 1400 centuries, Umar I's Edict remained in force by the Turks. Countries at the gates of Vienna were constrained by the Edict's rules. Today, monasteries in South-Eastern Europe continue to refrain from ringing bells for church services but hammer a piece of wood to call monks to prayer. In Phoenicia, known during these latter days as the Principality Lebanon, was governed by benevolent Druze princes of Maain and Shehab, was free from Umar's rules. None of the constraints on Christians were applied in the Principality of Lebanon where even some of its princes converted to Christianity. However, when a person from Lebanon visited one of the vilayet (wilayat or mini-city-states) of Beirut, Sidon, Tyre, Tripoli...etc. he/she had to abide by Umar's Edict. For example, the major 'forbiddens' were in place in these mini-city-states, and, for example, a Christian person had to give way to a Muslim in the street. Such a Christian was told to Ishmil (meaning walk to my left) to walk left of the Muslim in the muddy street. This was something that he or she would never have had to do in the relative freedom of the Principality of Lebanon. Umar's racist, fanatic, religious intolerance came to an end when the principality was liberated. Field Marshal Edmund Henry Hynman Allenby, 1st Viscount Allenby, became British Imperial Governor until the Paris Peace Conference, also known as the Versailles Peace Conference. It met in 1919 by the victorious Allied Powers, following the end of World War I, to set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers and mandated the governance of European powers over what was the Turkish Empire.

In short, Umar's Edict survived for too many years and continues to be in practice in many Arab-Muslim countries where no cross may be visible to Muslim eyes or preach the Gospel or even worshipping in a church such as in Saudi Arabia. The recent church built by the Prince of Arab Emirates for Greek Orthodox believers did not have crosses on its domes to avoid "offending" Muslim eyes. In fact, a Saudi man bought a house in the predominantly Christian part of Lebanon then filed a complaint to remove the church bell and crosses from the church near his house. This proves that Umar's Edict is still alive and well in some Muslim minds.

The ambiguous origin of Edict

The document was either the work of the 9th-century Mujtahids or was forged during the reign of the Umayyad Caliph Umar II (717-720),[7] with other clauses added later. Other scholars concluded that the document may have originated in the immediate post-conquest milieu and was stylized by later historians.[1] The author is thought to have been Abū Bakr al-Ṭurṭūshī. Its date is unsure but researchers hypothesize a writing subsequent to the time of the second caliph. According to them, the document seems to have been established under the Umayyad Caliphate (661-750).

Western scholars' opinions varied about the Pact's authenticity. According to Anver M. Emon, "There is intense discussion in the secondary literature" about the Pact's authenticity, with scholars disagreeing on whether it might have originated during the reign of Umar b. al-Khattab or was "a later invention retroactively associated with Umar -- the caliph who famously led the initial imperial expansion -- to endow the contract of dhimma with greater normative weight?"[7] A.S. Tritton is one scholar who has "suggested that the Pact is a fabrication" because later Muslim conquerors did not apply its terms to their agreements with their non-Muslim subjects, which they would have if the pact had existed earlier. Another scholar, Daniel C. Dennet believes that the Pact was "no different from any other treaty negotiated in that period and that it is well within reason that the Pact we have today, as preserved in al-Tabari's chronicle is an authentic version of that early treaty."[7]

"A later generation attributed to ‘Umar a number of restrictive regulations which hampered the Christians in the free exercise of their religion, but De Goeje and Caetani have proved without a doubt that they are the invention of a later age; as, however, Muslim theologians of less tolerant periods accepted these ordinances as genuine ....

The book Classical Islam: a Sourcebook of Religious Literature, quotes a version of the Pact from Kitab al-Umm of al-Shafi'i (d.204/820) that it says may be "a forerunner to the later document which gained something of canonical status, making it applicable in many locations ..."[8]

There are several different versions of the pact that differ both in their language and stipulations.[9] "The legal status of religious minorities in the Euro-Mediterranean area (5th-15th century)".

  • Prohibition against building new churches, places of worship, monasteries, monks or a new cell. (Hence it was also forbidden to build new synagogues, although it is known that new synagogues were built after the occupation of Islam, for example in Jerusalem and Ramle. The law that prohibits to build new synagogues was not new for the Jews, it was applied also during the Byzantines. It was new for the Christians.)
  • Prohibition against rebuilding destroyed churches, by day or night, in their own neighborhoods or those situated in the quarters of the Muslims.
  • Prohibition against hanging a cross on the Churches.
  • Muslims should be allowed to enter Churches (for shelter) in any time, both in day and night.
  • Obliging the call of prayer by a bell or a kind of Gong (Nakos) to be low in volume.
  • Prohibition of Christians and Jews against raising their voices at prayer times.
  • Prohibition against teaching non-Muslim children the Qur'an.
  • Christians were forbidden to show their religion in public or to be seen with Christian books or symbols in public, on the roads or in the markets of the Muslims.
  • Palm Sunday and Easter parades were banned.
  • Funerals should be conducted quietly.
  • Prohibition against burying non-Muslim dead near Muslims.
  • Prohibition against raising a pig next to a Muslims neighbor.
  • Christians were forbidden to sell Muslims alcoholic beverages.
  • Christians were forbidden to provide cover or shelter for spies.
  • Prohibition against telling a lie about Muslims.
  • Obligation to show deference toward Muslims. If a Muslim wants to sit, non-Muslim should rise from his seats and let the Muslim sit.
  • Prohibition against preaching to Muslims in an attempt to convert them from Islam.
  • Prohibition against preventing the conversion to Islam of someone who wants to convert.
  • The appearance of the non-Muslims has to be different from those of the Muslims: Prohibition against wearing Qalansuwa (kind of dome that was used to wear by Bedouin), Bedouin turban (Amamh), Muslims shoes, and Sash to their waists. As to their heads, it was forbidden to comb the hair sidewise as the Muslim custom, and they were forced to cut the hair in the front of the head. Also non-Muslim shall not imitate the Arab-Muslim way of speech nor shall adopt the kunyas (Arabic byname, such as "Abu Khattib").
  • Obligation to identify non-Muslims as such by clipping the heads' forelocks and by always dressing in the same manner, wherever they go, with binding the zunar (a kind of belt) around the waists. Christians to wear blue belts or turbans, Jews to wear yellow belts or turbans, Zoroastrians to wear black belts or turbans, and Samaritans to wear red belts or turbans.
  • Prohibition against riding animals in the Muslim custom, and the prohibition against riding with a saddle.
  • Prohibition against adopting a Muslim title of honor.
  • Prohibition against engraving Arabic inscriptions on signet seals.
  • Prohibition against any possession of weapons.
  • Non-Muslims must host a Muslim passerby for at least 3 days and feed him.
  • Non-Muslims prohibited from buying a Muslim prisoner.
  • Prohibition against taking slaves who have been allotted to Muslims.
  • Prohibition against non-Muslims to lead, govern or employ Muslims.
  • If a non-Muslim beats a Muslim, his Dhimmi is removed.
  • The worship places of non-Muslims must be lower in elevation than the lowest mosque in town.
  • The houses of non-Muslims must not be taller in elevation than the houses of Muslims.


  1. a b c d Roggema 2009, p. 361.
  2. a b c Meri 2005, p. 205.
  3. a b Abu-Munshar 2007, p. 63.
  4. Thomas & Roggema 2009, p. 360.
  5. Ipgrave, Michael (2009). Justice and Rights: Christian and Muslim Perspectives. Georgetown University Press. p. 58. ISBN 1589017226. 
  6. Maher Abu-Munshar, Islamic Jerusalem And Its Christians: A History of Tolerance And Tensions, pp. 79-80.
  7. a b c Emon, Anver M. (2012). Religious Pluralism and Islamic Law: Dhimmis and Others in the Empire of Law. Oxford University Press. p. 71. Retrieved 19 June 2015. 
  8. Calder, Norman; Mojaddedi,, Jawid; Rippin, Andrew, eds. (2003). Classical Islam: A Sourcebook of Religious Literature. Routledge. p. 138. Retrieved 19 June 2015. 
  9. Abu-Munshar 2007, p. 63-4: "There are several versions of the Pact of ‘Umar, with similarities as well as differences in vocabulary or sentence order; some differ in detail, both in their stipulations and literary structure."
  10. al Turtushi, Siraj al Muluk, Cairo 1872, pp 229-230.
  11. The Caliphs And Their Non-Muslim Subjects, A. S. Tritton Muslim University, Aligarh, Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1930, p.5
  12. Medieval Sourcebook: Pact of Umar, 7th Century? The Status of Non-Muslims Under Muslim Rule Paul Halsall Jan 1996
  13. The Jews of Iran in the nineteenth century [electronic resource] : aspects of history, community, and culture / by David Yeroushalmi. Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2009.


  1. Thomas, David; Roggema, Barbara (30 November 2009). Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History (600-900). BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-16975-3. Retrieved 18 November 2012. 
  2. Meri, Josef W. (2005). Medieval Islamic Civilization. Routledge. ISBN 9780415966900. 
  3. Roggema, Barbara (2009). The Legend of Sergius Baḥīrā: Eastern Christian Apologetics and Apocalyptic in Response to Islam. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-16730-8. Retrieved 28 December 2012. 
  4. Peri, ʻOded (2001). Christianity Under Islam in Jerusalem: The Question of the Holy Sites in Early Ottoman Times. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-12042-6. Retrieved 28 December 2012. 
  5. Mark R. Cohen, and Norman A Stillman, “The Neo-Lachrymose Conception of Jewish-Arab History,”
  6. Abu-Munshar, Maher Y. (15 September 2007). Islamic Jerusalem and its Christians: a history of tolerance and tensions. Tauris Academic Studies. ISBN 9781845113537.

Original Surviving Text in Arabic

مرسوم الخليفة عمر الأول

روى عبد الرحمن بن غنم قال: كتبنا لعمر بن الخطاب رضي الله عنه حين صالح نصارى أهل الشام "بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم هذا كتاب لعبد الله عمر أمير المؤمنين من نصارى مدينة كذا. إنكم لما قدمتم علينا سألناكم الأمان لأنفسنا و ذرارينا و أموالنا و أهل ملتنا, و شرطنا لكم على أنفسنا أن لا نحدث في مدائننا و لا فيما حولها ديرا و لا كنيسة و لا قلية و لا صومعة راهب, و لا نجدد ما خرب منها و لا ما كان مختطا منها في خطط المسلمين في ليل و لا نهار, و أن نوسع أبوابها للمارة و ابن السبيل, و أن ننزل من مر بنا من المسلمين ثلاثة ليال, نطعمهم, و لا نؤوي في كنائسنا و لا في منازلنا جاسو سا, و لا نكتم غشا للمسلمين, و لا نعلم أولادنا القرآن, ولا نظهر شرعنا, و لا ندعو إليه أحدا, و لا نمنع أحدا من ذوي قرابتنا الدخول في الإسلام إن أراده, و أن نوقر المسلمين, و أن نقوم لهم من مجالسنا إذا أرادوا الجلوس, و لا نتشبه بهم في شيء من لباسهم: من قلنسوة, و لا عمامة, و لا نعلين, و لا فرق شعر, و لا نتكلم بكلامهم و لا نتكنى بكناهم, و لا نركب بالسروج, و لا نتقلد بالسيوف, و لا نتخذ شيئا من السلاح, و لا نحمله معنا, و لا ننقش على خواتمنا بالعربية, و لا نبيع الخمور, و أن نجز مقادم رءوسنا, و نلزم زينا حيثما كنا, و أن نشد الزنانير على أوساطنا, و لا نظهر صلباننا و كتبنا في شيء من طرق المسلمين, و لا أسواقهم, و لا نضرب نواقسنا في كنائسنا إلا ضربا خفيفا, ولا نرفع أصواتنا بالقراءة في كنائسنا في شيء من حضرة المسلمين, و لا نخرج شعانيننا و لا باعوثنا, و لا نرفع أصواتنا مع موتانا, و لا نظهر النيران في شيء من طرق المسلمين, و لا أسواقهم, و لا نجاوزهم بموتانا, و لا نتخذ من الرقيق ما جرى عليه سهام المسلمين, و لا نطلع على منازلهم ". فلما أتيت عمر رضي الله عنه بالكتاب زاد فيه "و أن لا نضرب أحدا من المسلمين, شرطنا لهم ذلك على أنفسنا و أهل ملتنا, و قبلنا عليه الأمان, فإن نحن خالفنا شيئا مما شرطناه لكم, و ضمناه على أنفسنا, فلا ذمة لنا, و قد حل منا ما يحل من أهل المعاندة و الشقاق ". فكتب إليه عمر رضي الله أن أمض ما سألوه, وألحق فيه بحرفين اشترطتهما عليهم مع ما شرطوا على أنفسهم "أن لا يشتروا شيئا من سبايا المسلمين, ومن ضرب مسلما عمدا فقد خلع عهده

أبو بكر القرشي ، سيرة الملك ، السيد فتحي أبو بكر ، أد. (القاهرة ، 2006) ، 542-543.

Abū Bakr al-Ṭurṭūshī, Sirāğ al-mulūk , Mr. Fatḥī Abū Bakr, ed. (Cairo, 2006), 542-543.

French translation

We hold 'Abd al-Raḥmān b. Ghunm (m. 687) the following: When Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb had granted peace to the Christians of Syria, we wrote him a letter as follows: In the name of Allah, the Merciful Benefactor! This is a letter addressed by the Christians of such city to the servant of Allah,'Umar Ibn al-Kha'āb, commander of the believers. When you came to this country, we asked you for the safeguarding ( amān ) for us, our offspring, our property and our fellow believers, and we have taken the following commitment from you. We will no longer build in our cities and their surroundings, nor convents, nor churches, nor cells of monks, nor hermitages. We will not repair, day or night, those buildings that fall into ruin, or that are located in Muslim neighborhoods. We will keep our doors wide open to passersby and travelers. We will give hospitality to all Muslims who will come to us and host them for three days. We will not give sanctuary, either in our churches nor in our dwellings, to any spy. We will not hide anything from Muslims that is likely to harm them. We will not teach the Qur'an to our children. We will not publicly manifest our worship and will not preach it. We will not prevent any of our parents from embracing Islam if that is his will. We will be full of respect towards Muslims. We will get up from our seats when they want to sit down. We shall not try to resemble them, in regard to clothing, by the cap (qalansuwa), the turban or the shoes, or by the manner of combing our hair. We will not make use of talking to them; we will not take their kunya '. We will not ride on saddles. We will not wear a sword. We will not hold any kind of weapon and will not carry any of us. We will not engrave our tablets in Arabic characters. We will not sell fermented drinks. We shear the front of the head. We will always dress the same way, wherever we are. We will tighten our waist with the belt (zunnār). We will not show our crosses and our books on the roads frequented by Muslims and in their markets. We will beat the simandre (nāqūs) in our churches only very gently. We will not raise our voices in the presence of Muslims. We will not do public processions on Palm Sunday and Easter. We will not raise our voices by accompanying our dead. We will not pray aloud on the roads frequented by Muslims and in their markets. We will not bury our dead in the neighborhood of Muslims. We will not use the slaves who are shared with Muslims. We will not have a view of the houses of Muslims. Such are the conditions to which we have subscribed, we and our co-religionists, and in return for which we receive the safeguard. If we happen to violate some of these commitments that our people remain as guarantors, we would no longer be entitled to the dhimma and we would be liable to the penalties reserved for rebels and seditious Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb replied: "Sanction their request, but not without having added to what they have subscribed to the following two conditions that I impose on them:" - They will not be able to buy individuals taken prisoner by the Muslims. that will have struck a Muslim deliberately will no longer benefit from the guarantee of this pact. "

Source French translation: A. Fattal, The Legal Status of Non-Muslims in Islamic Countries (Beirut, 1986), 60-63.

Summary and context

Umar's (' ahd'Umar ) pact or Umar ( al-shūrūṭ al-'umariyya ) stipulations is a fundamental text for the study of the status granted to non-Muslims living in Islamic countries. The document takes the form of a letter that the Christians of Syria have sent to the second caliph Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (634-644) and in which they made known the conditions of their submission. Umar I would have approved the terms of the letter while adding two additional clauses. The stipulations mentioned in the pact consist of a set of restrictions that the dhimmis should apply on pain of losing their protected status. These restrictions include clothing, mounts and weapons. Clauses also limit the construction of religious buildings and the holding of processions in public places. As B. Lewis notes, these provisions reflect the policy that developed during the first centuries of Islam and aimed at making and maintaining a clear distinction between the dominant group and those subject to it. We know, however, that the measures in question were rarely applied in a systematic way, even if the temptation to return to them was still present, especially during periods of crisis.

Historical significance

The authenticity of this document is questioned by many researchers. Indeed, the study of the text in its various versions makes it possible to express some reservations as to its attribution to Umar I. The main point which arouses the debate is due to the unusual form of the pact. This is presented as a letter sent by the Christians of Syria to the Caliph Umar I in which they seek the protection of Islam and undertake, in return, to observe a number of rules set by themselves. The Arab historiographical sources that mention this correspondence do not specify the date, nor do they give the name of the Syrian city whose inhabitants would have taken this initiative, which calls the historians interested in the authentication of the pact. Thus, for AS Tritton, there is a strange fact because it is usually up to the winners to impose their conditions on the vanquished. Considering that the non-Muslim populations could not inflict such humiliations, this author comes to the conclusion that the text is not authentic. Relevant, his analysis was taken up by other researchers such as A. Fattal and B. Lewis. Convinced of the apocryphal character of the document, Tritton tries to explain the origin. According to him, the pact would be the product of lawyers eager to create a model peace treaty bringing together all the restrictions known in their time. This hypothesis is based in particular on a version of the pact mentioned in K. al-Umm of Shāfi'ī (820). Another hypothesis was formulated by Mr. R. Cohen for whom the original text of the pact might be of the well-known nature of the petition. The literary study of the formulas used there reveals, according to him, some similarities with the petitions dating from the same period. Cohen's thesis could explain the form given to the pact by its authors, but it does not provide an answer to the other questions asked. Let us note finally that there are strong similarities between certain stipulations of the pact and the measures taken against the dhimmis under the Umayyads, in particular by'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Azīz (717-720). This finding allows Fattal and others to assume that at least some of the text was composed at that time. Arab sources contain several versions of the Umar pact, the oldest are in works dating from the 9th century. However, most of these versions are incomplete and show more or less differences. Of all those that have been preserved, only one seems to bring together all the known elements of the Covenant. It is found in the Abū Bakr al-Ṭurṭūshī's Sirāğ al-mulūk (1126). Researchers use it as a basic text.

Translations to French

  • A. Edde et al., Eds., Christian Communities in Islamic Countries. From the beginning of the second century to the middle of the eleventh century (Paris, 1997), 188-189.
  • W. Kallfelz, Nichtmuslimische Untertanen im Islam (Wiesbaden, 1995), 78-80.
  • N. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book (Philadelphia, 1979), 157-158
  • A. Tritton, The caliphs and their non-muslim subjects. A Critical Study of the Covenant of Umar (London, 1930), 17-18.

Translation to English

  • S. Khalaf, Phoenician Encyclopaedia, The Arab Islamic Conquest and its Devastating Impact on the East and Mediterranean World in the Seventh Century,


  • A. Edde et al., Eds., Christian Communities in Islamic Countries. From the beginning of the second century to the middle of the eleventh century (Paris, 1997).
  • Mr. Cohen, Under the crescent and under the cross. Jews in the Middle Ages (Paris, 2008), 136-160.
  • Mr. R. Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross. The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton, 1994).
  • M. Cohen, "What was the pact of 'Umar? A literary-historical study ", Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 23 (1999), 100-157.
  • A. Fattal, The Legal Status of Non-Muslims in Islamic Countries (Beirut 1986), 60-63.
  • W. Kallfelz, Nichtmuslimische Untertanen im Islam: Grundlage, Ideologie und Praxis der Politik frühislamischer Herrscher gegenüber ihren nichtmuslimischen Untertanen mit besonderem Blick auf die Dynasty der Abbasiden (749-1248) (Wiesbaden, 1995).
  • B. Lewis, The Jews of Islam (London 1981), 24-25.
  • B. Lewis, Jews in the Land of Islam (Paris, 1989), 40-41.
  • A. Noth, "Abgrenzungsprobleme zwischen Muslimen and Nicht-Muslimen: Die 'Bedingungen'Umars (aš-šurūṭ al-'umariyya)' unter einem anderen Aspekt gelesen ', JSAI 9 (1987), 290-315.
  • A. Tritton, The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of Umar (London, 1970).
  • S. Ward, "Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī on Construction, Continuance, and Repair of Churches and Synagogues in Islamic Law", in WS Brinner and St. Ricks, eds., Studies in Islamic and Judaic Traditions II (Atlanta, Georgia , 1989), 169-85.


DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in this site do not necessarily represent nor do they necessarily reflect those of the various authors, editors, and owner of this site. Consequently, parties mentioned or implied cannot be held liable or responsible for such opinions.

This is to certify that this website, is NOT in any way related to, associated with or supports the Phoenician International Research Center,, the World Lebanese Cultural Union (WLCU) or any other website or organization foreign or domestic. Consequently, any claims of association with this website are null.


Additional references, sources and bibliography (Please don't write and ask me for references. You can find them at the end of article or in Bibliography)

Phoenicia, A Bequest Unearthed -- Phoenician Encyclopedia

© Copyright, All rights reserved by holders of original referenced materials and compiler on all pages linked to this site of: © Phoenician Canaanite Encyclopedia -- © Phoenician Encyclopedia -- © Punic Encyclopedia -- © Canaanite Encyclopedia -- © Encyclopedia Phoeniciana, Encyclopedia Punica, Encyclopedia Canaanitica.  

The material in this website was researched, compiled, & designed by Salim George Khalaf as owner, author & editor.
Declared and implied copyright laws must be observed at all time for all text or graphics in compliance with international and domestic legislation.

Contact: Salim George Khalaf, Byzantine Phoenician Descendent
Salim is from Shalim, Phoenician god of dusk, whose place was Urushalim/Jerusalem
"A Bequest Unearthed, Phoenicia" — Encyclopedia Phoeniciana

This site has been online for more than 22 years.
We have more than 420,000 words.
The equivalent of this website is about 2,200 printed pages.

Trade Mark
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20