Conception of the Union in the Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch (1622-1672) by Mgr. Abdallah Raheb, Endnotes 301 to 515
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by Abdallah Raheb, Beirut 1981
translated by Nicholas J. Samra

© Copyright

[Webmaster's note: This doctoral thesis is reproduced by kind permission of Mgr. Raheb. The material is copyright and may not be reproduced without permission from the author and translator.]
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Archmandrite Mgr. Abdallah Raheb Archimandrite Abdallah Raheb,
Doctor of Theology,
Licentiate in Philosophy,
Diploma in German Letters,
Professor of Ecumenical Sciences at the University of Kaslik,
ex-Superior General of the Order of Saint Basil of Aleppo.

Table of Contents

Introduction

Historical Context

Chapter I: A Questionable Patriarch in the Patriarchate of Antioch (1619-1628)

Chapter II: The Patriarchate of Antioch Under Ignatios III Atieh (1682- beginning of 1634)

  1. Synod of Ras-Baalbek (June 1628)
  2. Ignatios III and Rome
  3. Death of patriarch Ignatios III
  4. Latin Missionaries at Work

Chapter III: From Metropolitan (1612-1634) to Patriarch (8 months) Karmeh First Martyr of the Union of Antioch With Rome

  1. Meletios Karmeh: Metropolitan of Aleppo (February 1612-April 1634)
  2. Euthymios II Karmeh, Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch (May 1, 1634-January 1, 1635)
  3. Patriarch Karmeh Martyr of the Union
  4. The Latin Missionaries at Work

Chapter IV: The Patriarchate of Antioch Under Euthymios III, Originally from Chios (1635-1647)

  1. A Timid Patriarch
  2. Beginning of a Roman Crusade in the Patriarchate of Antioch

Chapter V: The Patriarchate of Antioch On the Way to Catholicization Under Macarios III Zaim (1647-1672)

  1. The “Zaim” Macarios III of Aleppo
  2. Macarios III and the Orthodox World (1647-1660)
  3. Macarios III and His Ecumenical Mission (1661-1672)
  4. The Greeks of Antioch on the Way to Catholicization under Macarios III

Chapter VI: Antiochian Conception of the Union According to the Studied Accounts (This chapter will be the subject of another part)

  1. Place of the Council of Florence in These Transactions
  2. Privileged Place of Rome
  3. Autonomy of Antioch and Inter-Orthodox Collegiality
  4. Living the Union in Collaboration with Local Visibly Separated Churches
  5. Possibility of Being in Communion with Rome without Breaking with its Orthodox Brothers

Conclusion

Initials and Abbreviations
Sources and Bibliography
Endnotes: 1-300 and 301-515
This whole thesis is available for downloading as a single file Adobe Acrobat file (PDF). To download please click this link: Orthodox Antioch Union (676 KB).

Endnotes (continued 301 to 515)

[301] Rustum (p. 45) calls him Euthymios IV!

[302] Cf. above, Chapter III, footnote 252, Pachomios, who reached Damascus between mid-February and mid-March 1636, describes how he was received by the new patriarch: “We entered the home of our master patriarch, we kissed his hands and showed him the books and letters. Our return gave him great joy. As for the copies of the (Arabic) Pentateuch, we sent one to Tripoli and the rest we sent to Egypt, to Aleppo and to (other) countries so that they could be compared and looked at. And so, by examining them, one would be content with them, we will send you the exact response. We brought home with us the books (Horologion and Euchologion) whose publication your great efforts accomplished, and the Lord (Jesus) Christ will reward you. The patriarch (Euthymios III) would have written to you but he waits for a response on the Pentateuch from the countries and then he will respond to you in detail. Kissing (sic in singular) at your place the hands of the Cardinals Francesco Barberini and Antonio (Barberini)…” Pachomios adds in the margin of this letter addressed to secretary Ingoli the following note on the subject of the deceased Patriarch Euthymios II Karmeh: “we have written to you when we arrived and we would have written on the subject of the deceased patriarch who died in the mercy of the most high God, but we knew that you already knew this news” (letter written in Arabic on March 19, 1636 in SOCG, vol. 180, fol. 101r. An Italian translation is found in the same volume fol. 100r). Compare with the anachronisms of Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, pp. 131-132, and DHGE, vol. 16 (1967), col.56.

[303] Cf. above, Chapter III, 3 “Patriarch Karmeh, Martyr of the Union.” Even though Karmeh had written good letters to Roman popes and cardinals, Euthymios the Chiot never had the courage to write a word to Rome, as we will see.

[304] Cf. Acta, vol. 10, fol. 318v-318r.

[305] Acta, vol. 12, fol. 141v-142r and SOCG, vol. 180, fol. 107v: “Referente eodem Em.mo D. Card. Brancatio literas Patris Pachomij de morte Euthymij Patriarchae Antiocheni Nationis Melchitarum, et de Arabicis Pentatheuchis distributes inter viros doctos pro eorum sententia habenda, et demum de Euchologio Arabico, et Horologio Romae relictis, eorumque impressione. Sacra Congregatio iussit praefato Patri Pachimio rescribi, ut cum novo Patriarcha agat de unione facienda iuxta professionem fidei, quam secum detulit pro Patriarcha Euthimio (Karmeh) et ut sollicitet responsum doctorum virorum circa Pentatheucum Arabicum, et denique illi signetur Euchologij Arabici partem iam esse in latinum translatam, et nunc Graeci Euchologij emendationi diligenter per Cardinales et Theologos incumbi, ut postea, et Graecum, et Arabicum imprimi possunt.”

[306] We have not found any trace on this question in the Archives of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith although Euthymios III had promised the missionaries in Syria to write to the Pope of Rome. The research of Korolevsky in this sense produced the same result. Cf. DHGE, vol. 3, col. 642. Besides, the account of Fr. J. Amieu for the year 1650 confirms the fact that this patriarch never wrote to Rome: “and as I said to him one day: ‘Master, when would you give testimony to Rome in your own hand that you are Roman Catholic, would there be anything bad in it?’ ‘Unfortunately,! Father,’ he said to me, ‘we Greeks, zealous with an indiscreet zeal, have spies here, and I do not want to earn what my predecessor earned.’” Cf. Rabbath, I, pp. 401-402.

[307] John Amieu wrote from Aleppo on December 18, 1636 to the cardinals of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith: “Docemus duos nepotes nuperi Patriarchae Graecorum,… aliosque non paucos bonae Indolis et Ingenii, wui si se sinerent coli… multos Europaeos superarent, in facie plusquam quinquaginta millium christianorum” (SOCG, vol. 106, fol. 224rv.

[308] Cf. the letters of Fr. Queyrot to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, written at Aleppo on December 26, 1636 and March 13, 1637, in SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 598rv and vol. 106, fol. 224rv.

[309] Ibid., vol. 195, fol. 599r.

[310] Acta, vol. 12, fol. 330v: “Em.mus D. Cardinalis Sancti Honuphrij Alumnatum erigisse hic Romae in Collegio de Prop. Fide pro Georgianis Nestorianis, Iacobitis, Cophtis, Melchitis, et Persis, ad quem poterunt praefati Patres (Queyrot and Amieu) duodecim Adolescentes 15 aut 16 annum agentes, duos scilicet ex qualibet praefatarum nationum ad Urbem mittere, qui sine dubio recipientur in p.to Alumnatu, de cuius erectione iam expeditae sunt Bullae, quae latinè, et arabicè imprimentur, et transmittentur ad eos, et alios missionarios, uti Patriarchis, ac Archiepiscopis, et Episcopis p.tarum nationum communicentur, ut possint iuxta contenta in dictis Bullis Adolescentes cum qualitatibus in eis expressis suis temporibus Romam mittere, ut hic instruantur in scientijs et bonis moribus, ac instructi ad eosdem remittantur.” The enumeration of these “nations” shows us what knowledge the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith had for their identity and their orthodox or heterodox faith!

[311] In fact, Fr. Queyrot wrote from Aleppo on August 8, 1638: “Pensavamo di mandar un solo Greco ch’havevamo bastevolmente ammaestrato nelle lingue Arabica, Greca e Latina; ma i di lui parrenti non si sono lassati persuadere, anzi l’hanno ritirato dalla scuola per applicarlo a un’arte. II R.P. Guardiano di S. Francesco (Antoine d’Aquila) s’è anch’egli adoperato conforme al suo santo zelo, accio si mandassero alcuni altri figliuoli christiani alla nostra scuola, per esser poi quindi costà (at Rome) inviati, ma è stato senza effetto” (SOCG, vol. 118, fol. 115r).

[312] Cf. above footnote 307; SCOG, vol. 119, fol. 106rv.

[313] Cf. SCOG, vol. 107, fol. 189r: it concerns a letter written in Greek and addressed to Cardinal A. Barberini. A Latin translation of the letter is found in the same volume, fol. 109r. Moreover, Patriarch Metrophanes of Alexandria was viewed well by Rome, in fact “placuit Patribus constantia Metrophanij Alexandrini Patriarchae in recusatione subsciptionis capitulorum Haereticorum Cyrilli Lucari” (Acta, vol. 13, fol. 123v); also it was pointed out in Rome “Patriarcham Alexandrinum Graecum literas scripisse pro eius Unione cum S.R.E. saltem privata, easque Patri Archangelo de Pistorio Missionario in Aegypto deferre ad Urbem” (Ibid., fol. 63r).

[314] In fact Cyril II of Berrhea, who occupied the see of Constantinople three times in the space of six years (October 4-11, 1633; March 1/10, 1635 – mid-June 1635, June 20, 1638 – end of June, 1639), had a sad death because of his secret adhesion to the Roman Church, without counting the dreadful kind of Greek bishops who were inclined to Rome before the assassination of Cyril Lucaris on July 7, 1638. Cf. Grumel, p. 438; G. Hering, Oekumenisches Patriarchat und europäische Politik (1620-1638), Wiesbaden 1968, passim especially p. 313; SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 135r, 448r-449v and vol. 270, fol. 304r-306v; DThC, Book III, col. 1429; Musset, II, pp. 138-142.

[315] This is according to the repeated letters of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith to the missionaries of the Levant that the Greek-Melkite Patriarch of Antioch was warned about: letters of July 20, 1637, December 4, 1638, July 16, 1639, September 17, 1639. Cf. also the responses of the missionaries in SOCG, vol. 118, fol. 115rv; vol. 119, fol. 105r-107r. Compare with Acta, vol. 12, fol. 330v and vol. 13, fol 358rv.

[316] SOCG, vol. 119, fol. 106rv: “non ho mancato esseguire quanto V.S. Ill.ma m’accenna nelle sue di 4 dicembre del’anno passato (1638) et di 16 Iuglio (1639)… Resto assai meraviglianto de’ Patriarchi de’ Melchiti e Giacobiti. Quello de’ Melchiti che risiede in Damasco ricevette nel principio con grand’accoglienza l’aviso della S. Congregatione con il breve dicendo di voler mandare due suoi Nipoti al nuovo Collegio; ma alla fine ha risposto che teme succedergli qualche tirannia de’ Turchi per mandare giovani dalla sua Natione in paese di Christiani, con tutto cio trovandosi soggetti qui in Aleppo che vogliono andare con sodisfatione di parenti, esso darà licenza, purche il loro Arcivescovo (Meletios Zaim), quale anco si mostra poco inclinato a questa santa impressa, gli scriva per questo negotio. Quello de’ Giacobiti, che risiede in Merdino non hà risposto… Hora habbiamo un Melchita, et un Giacobita, che desiderano venire, e si contentano anco I loro parenti; I Padri Gesuiti mi consegliano che gli mandi senza aspettare altra licenza di loro Prelati, che mai s’arriverà.”

[317] It concerns the Rescript of the Congregation mentioned above of September 12, 1639: “S. Congregation iussit rescribi Guardiano Aleppi, ut omni diligentia, et studio curet, ut Patriarchis et Archiepiscopis, pro quorum nationibus erectus fuit ab eodem E.mo Card. Sancti Honuphrij Alumnatus, literae, et Bulla erectionis praesententur, ac sollictentur ut Alumnos suos Romam mittant” Ibid., fol. 358rv.

[318] SOCG, vol. 119, fol. 105r: “Non sono restato di fare ogni diligenza possibile a sollecitare li dui Patriarchi, de’ Giacobiti e Melchiti per gl’alunni del Collegio del Signor Card. S. Honofrio conforme al nuovo aviso dalle 17 di settembre (1639) inviatomi dalle SS. VV. Em.me; ma si vede in effeto l’ingratitudine e mala corispondenza di detti Patriarchi, che havendo ricevuto insin dal’anno passato le lettere della Sacra Cong.ne con li brevi non si curano, di trovar gl’allunni, ni di rispondere, con scusari per il timore di suoi inimici, cge gl’accusano a Turchi, di haver corispondenza con Christiani di Europa. Io havevai trovato alcuni figliuoli, ma i loro parenti non vogliono consegnarli, se non si conducomo in Roma per qualche Religioso.”

[319] Ibid., fol. 112r: “Ricevo di novo aviso dal P. Fr. Antonio di Portogallo Minore Osservante, che da quel Patriarcha de’Melchiti, che risiede in Damasco non si puo havere risposta della lettera, e delli due giovani per il novo collegio; scusandosi il Patriarca haver timore, che la natione l’accusi, e che resti privato dal suo officio per la corrispondenza con Christiani di Europa… Conforme al parer comune di questi PP. Missionarij Cappucini, Gesuiti, et altri il trovar gl’Alunni per mezzo di Patriarchi, mai s’arriverà al fine, come già si vede in effetto. E pero faccio ogni diligenza trovargli per altra strada.” It is necessary to admit that the greatest difficulty of the Greek Melkites to send their children to Europe was the common persuasion, besides not far from reality, since in Europe one could change rite! It was Queyrot himself who tell us this in a letter of December 26, 1636: “gli Scismatici (i.e. the Greek-Melkites) s’imaginano che o loro figliuoli andando in christianità siano per mutar rito e religione, e farsi franchi come essi dicono” SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 599r.

[320] Fr. Antoine de l’Aquila made the request to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith for him to be reimbursed the cost of the travels. According to this request we know that “il Padre frat’Antonio dell’Aquila comparse a Livorno alli 24 Dicembre 1640 con sei giovani (Ingoli adds this: ‘Arabi cioè 4 arabi e due maroniti) Maroniti, e di quivi partinno per Roma alli 25 Gennaro 1641” (SOCG, vol. 404, fol. 402r). Ingoli ordered that the 2 Maronite be sent to Ravenna (Ibid., fol. 415v).

[321] The request of Pietro Dip (sic) reveals to us he took a course in painting after having finished 7 years of studies at the College of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1647, when he was 23 years old (SOCG, vol. 413, fol. 218r, 219r, ss0r, 221r, 222r, vol. 417, fol. 504v). Secretary of the Congregation Ingoli who knew this young Greek-Melkite and who supported him to follow the course in painting for 6 months, wrote for the Congregation meeting 80 of March 23, 1648: “Desiderando detto Pietro che stà fuori del Collegio per imparar la pittura ritornar alla patria con occasione della compagnia, che havrà dell’Agente del Patriarcha de Maroniti supplica la Sac. Cong. per il viatico, e per una somma di San Thomaso, et un catechismo, e per alcuni psalterij e grammatiche cosi latine come greche disignando arrivato alla patria di apir una schola per la sua numerosa Natione de Melchiti, colla quale spera far gran frutto anche, nell’istruire li suoi compatriotti nella fede catholica e perche possa far quest’utile essercitio, e non sia necessitato d’applicarsi à qualche essercito per vivere supplica, che se le assegni una provisione competente almeno per un triennio, sinche si possa ordinare dal metropolita d’Aleppo secondo il Rito Greco della sua natione, et haver poi la missione dalla Sac. Cong. poichè se non s’ordina cola non sarà ricevuto da suoi per sacerdote ben ordinato” (Ibid., fol. 494r). By this we see the affirmation of Korolevsky and all those who followed him (F. Taoutel, J. Nasrallah…) in writing: “the first Melkite student of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Wahbe (Theodore) Daoud, received in 1661, was from Aleppo,” needs to be corrected. In fact in 1641, Greek-Melkite Peter Dib was already among the students of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith! Compare with: F. Taoutel, Contribution à l’histoire d’Alep. Les Documents maronites et leurs annexes depuis 1606 jusqu’à nos jours, I, 1606-1827, Beirut 1958, p. 34; Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, p. 137.

[322] Radu, p. 46. On this occasion Euthymios III consecrated as bishop the priest Joseph the Aleppian whom he sent to Russia to collect money for his patriarchate, but he died at Putivl near Moscow. Cf. Buletinul Comisiumei Monumentelor Istorice, Bucharest, V (1912), p. 113 (cited by Radu on the subject of Putivl).

[323] Cf. above footnote 307. This was the future Patriarch of Antioch, Neophytos the Chiot (1672-1682; died in 1686). Cf. DHGE, “Antioche,” col. 700; C. Bacha, History of the Greek Melkites (in Arabic), Saida 1942, p. 65; Musset II, p. 164.

[324] We remark that Paul of Aleppo said nothing about the relations between the Greek-Melkite prelates and the Latin missionaries. It appears that he had severe recommendations from his father, Macarios, who also remained silent about them! For the Hellenes sometimes understood Arabic! Musset, II, p. 161 notes the confusion on this point of DHGE, 3, col. 641 without dispelling it. It is clear that this was Euthymios III the Chiot who took Fr. Queyrot with him to Damascus, and not Euthymios II Karmeh. But what year? Levenq and d’Aultry (cf. Musset, I, op. cit.) affirms that it was in 1641, while Besson (p, 68) states that it took place “at the beginning of the year 1643” and the Italian translation of Besson’s book gives the year 1645! SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 43r-46v, conforming with A. Carayon (Relations inédites des Missions de la Compagnie de Jésus à Constantinople et dans le Levant au XVII siècle, Poitiers-Paris 1864, p. 152), with Besson (p. 68) and his Italian translation, with Levenq (La Première mission de la Compagnie de Jésus en Syrie, Beirut 1925, p. 20) and finally with Radu (pp. 46-47), we state that J. Queyrot was brought by Patriarch Euthymios III when he left Aleppo on November 22, 1640 and arrived at Damascus in the beginning of 1641. He remained there until August 1641 (Carayon, op. cit., p.. 152) to return to Aleppo (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 44r). At the beginning of the 1643, Queyrot was again in Damascus until October of the same year when Euthymios III left Damascus to visit the dioceses of his patriarchate and collected money to pay 7000 ecus exacted by the Turks (Besson, p. 68; Radu, p. 46; Macarios of Aleppo, p. 632; compare with Le Quien, II, col. 773 who wrongly attributed this event to Patriarch Karmeh). After the return of Euthymios III to Damascus (Radu, p. 47, Macarios of Aleppo, p. 632), Queyrot also returned there, probably at the beginning of 1645.

[325] Fr. J. Amieu wrote to Fr. Aultry on August 16, 1641: “the Patriarch of Antioch who brought (Fr. Jerome Queyrot) promised him to live in the patriarchate (in Damascus) and to give him the convenience to instruct the (Greek) boys and to make the functions of the Company” (A. Carayon, op. cit., pp. 152-153). Fr. Thomas Vitale of Monteregale, Provincial of the Dominicans of Armenia write in 1643 in his “Relatione della missione d’Aleppo, e di Damasco:” Il P. Gerolamo (Queyrot) oltre la lingua arabica sà perfettamente la lingua greca litterale; fu chiamato a Damasco da quell vescovo (especially patriarch) molto affettionato a’ cattolici et il Papa, accio insegnasse la lingua à i greci istessi, vi ando, io ve lo trovai nel mio ritorno di Gerusalemme” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 44r; cf. Acta, vol. 15, fol. 293v).

[326] It is the same Fr. Thomas Vitale who relates it: “Il P. Gerolamo era maltrattato nel vivere, e poi non solamente non volevano I greci che celebrasse nella chiesa loro, ma neanco privatamente in una stanza della casa del Vescovo (i.e. Patriarch Euthymios III) ove si tratteneva; e Monsignore per la durezza di coloro (i.e. the Greeks) non poteva rimediare; gia il Padre s’era amalato e allora stava poco bene. Io gli dissi che à lavar las testa à gli animi si perde il sapone, e l’essortai a ritornarsene in Aleppo e cosi fece finalmente, e ritorno à leggere et insegnare à dodici scolari” (SOCG, ibid.). In this we see why Euthymios III could not quickly have amicable relations with Rome and its missionaries in the east, despite the affection he had toward the latins and the pope.

[327] This is what the letter of the Guardian of Jerusalem, Andre d’Arc, reveals to us, written to Ignoli on August 15, 1640: “In Damasco vi è un’Arciprete con diversi sacerdoti Maroniti, che hanno vigilante cura dell’anime della lor’natione, et noi altri per ordinario diciamo messa nella loro chiesa, che pero per quello fine (i.e. treating with the Greek-Melkite Patriarch of Antioch) non han’bisogno di sacerdoti latini, verdo nondimeno mandar’ivi due Padri, ch’attendino alla lingua (arabica) et al tentavio che lei pretende (SOCG, vol. 119, fol. 65r). We see that this Latin missionary wanted to allow the Maronite priests of Damascus the care of dealing with the Greek Melkite Patriarch of Antioch. But Ingoli was of another opinion.

[328] It is the back of the letter mentioned in the preceding note which Ingoli wrote on October 27, 1640 to Fr. Andre d’Arc: “Li preti maroniti in Damasco sono tanto poco atti ad insegnar alli loro maroniti la via della salute, e le lettere, e meno per trattar col patriarcha (i.e. Euthymios III) ch’il mandar cola due padri è necessario simpliciter, e tra quelli ne dovrebbe essere uno che sapesse la lingua arabica, per potere frequentemente trattar con quell patriarcha, il cui Antecessor Metran Carme finalmente si fece e mori catholico, e quando si guadagni quell prelato, s’avranno frutti degl’alunni, e quando si facino scole di lingua Italiana, e latina, non sarà difficile haver quanti Alunni si vorranno. Il padre Sanseverini sarebbe ottimo per mandar in Damasco presso quell patriarcha, e se li farà la missione accio prelato V. Paternità ordini al detto padre che vi vada e scriva per la missione di lui con uno, o due compagni per tutta la Soria che le mandero le speditioni, e sopra il tutto in ogni Capellaria comandi che si facino scuole de lingua italiana, e latina con far istruir la Gioventù nella dottrina christiana, nella pietà, che per questa strada si faranno gran progressi col. tempo” (Ibid. fol. 67v).

[329] We will come back to this later because these discussions show how one conceived controversial points between Latins and Greeks in Syria during this epoch. However, we remark here that this missionary had to make the Greek prelate confess that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Farther and the Son “per modum unius pricipii totalis et aedequati: and that the pope is the first among the patriarchs (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 212rv).

[330] “Il Signor Patriarcha si diceva maggiore dal Sommo Pontefice Romano, imperoche S. Pietro fu premieramente pontefice in Antiochia et quelli del Oriente furono gli primi convertiti, donche il patriarcha Antiocheno è primo in ordine” (Ibid., fol. 212v).

[331] In fact Michael of Rennes wanted to convince him by presenting all kinds of arguments on Roman primacy. And the patriarch seemed to have said: “Io confesso il Pontefice Romano et lo conosco capo della Chiesa Cattolica et tengo vera tutta sua credenza et se non avessi paura d’altri greci io mi glorificarei a tutto il mondo d’essere sogietto della detta chiesa Romana ma dieci milla scudi non sarebono bastandi per pagare le ruine che mi sareboro procurate in Constantinopoli” (Ibid.). Compare this text with another account of the same missionary made in Latin around 1641: “Patriarcha Antiochenus pro graecorum natione post aliquas cum nobis in materiis fidei contoversias quando profectus sum Damascum missionem ibi fundaturus, mihi tandem protestatus est se cognoscere Romanun Pontificem verum divi Petri successorem ac Christi Domini Vicarium; addiditque haec verba; nisi vererer constantinopolitanum patriarcham et alios refragantes palam profiterer me Romanae subiectum Ecclesiae. Sed id publicassem nec decem mille aurei hanc professionem essent solvendo, ipse autem non ignorat idcirco venenum suo propinatum fuisse predecessori hoc est patriarcha Carmi” (SOCG, vol. 120, fol. 28v).

[332] “Il Patriarcha mi prometto spesse volte di scrivere a Sua Santità qualmente esso tiene l’istessa credenza del suo predecessore il Patriarca Carma gia nominato; ma l’ubbedientia mi chiamo in altre parti et pero (= percio) lasciai la cosa in questo punto; tuttavia il medesimo prelato m’a in ogni occorentia sempre fatto dopoi parere un grandissimo affetto verso la Chiesa Romana et promesso di scrivere come sopra ma non si è presentata alcuna occagione per farsi commodemente” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 212v). Compare this account of Capuchin Michael of Rennes with that of Jesuit Fr. J. Amieu of 1650. Cf. Rabbath, I, pp. 401-402.

[333] This Orthodox Patriarch “Catholicos tum latinos tum maronitas singulari amplectitur benevolentia, nobisque in omnibus tantopere favet ut aliquem ex nostris missionaries voluerit quasi per vim suum consecrare Episcopum, aliquem nobis obtulerit gratiarum actione dignissima” (Account of Michael of Rennes in 1641: SOCG, vol. 120, fol. 28v).

[334] Ibid. However the Capuchin missionary asked the Congregation to send them to him complimentary, in view of his “benevolentia” toward the Latin missionaries.

[335] Cf. above footnote 324.

[336] Besson, p. 68; SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 346v; Levenq, op. cit., p. 20; Rustum, p. 46; C. Bacha, op. cit., p. 66.

[337] Macarios of Aleppo, p. 632; Radu, p. 51; Besson, p. 68. Compare with Le Quien II, col. 773 and DHGE, vol. 3, col. 641. The words of Besson “But the patriarch, having been obliged to leave Damascus for the payment of the sum of seven thousand ecus that the Turks demanded of the Greeks according to their custom…” made Le Quien and Korolevsky think that the patriarch left Damascus to run away from the request of the Turks, whereas he left to find the required money. Moreover he returned to Damascus and died there three years later, whereas his successor was only consecrated patriarch on November 11, 1647 (Macarios of Aleppo, p. 663; Radu, pp. 53-54).It was in Aleppo particularly that Euthymios III found the necessary money during his last trip to Aleppo between the first of February and May 17, 1644 (Radu, p. 51). Note that the future Syrian Catholic Patriarch Akhi-Jean (sic in Arabic) made his profession of Catholic faith in Aleppo on April 7, 1644, while the Greek patriarch was in this very city! (SOCG, vol. 123, fol. 285r-286r).

[338] Besson, p. 68. To have an idea about these persecutions, let us report the description given by Dominican Fr. Thomas Vitale on the attitude of the Hellenes of Damascus on the first trip of Fr. Queyrot to Damascus in 1641 (see footnote 326 above). It is in this context that it was necessary to see why the Maronites of Damascus had to flee to Mount Lebanon in 1643. Fr. Queyrot could only celebrate Mass in the churches of the Maronite, who consequently were considered allies of the Franks. The persecution of the Maronites of Damascus in 1643 passed to Tripoli in 1644 (cf. Letter of Brice of Rennes of September 12, 1643 and that of Michael of Rennes of February 22, 1645, in SOCG, vol. 123, fol. 253rv and vol. 62, fol. 97rv and 114r).

[339] Radu, p. 51: “the father and master Kyr Euthymios collected easily (rather “in peace” = “bi salam’) the tithe from his subjects (in Aleppo) according to custom and departed one hundred days later. He headed with haste toward Hama and Tripoli on May 17 (1644) and then returned to Damascus. Probably the patriarch did not remain long in Tripoli before going back to Damascus because of the Turkish persecution against the Maronites of Tripoli.

[340] Rustum, p. 46, bases himself on DThC (X, col. 1070-1081) to affirm that the Patriarch of Antioch Euthymios “commended Meletios Syrigos for his attitude toward the confession of Peter Moghila, Metropolitan of Kiev, on the subject of Orthodox doctrine maintaining the Epiclesis in the sacrament of the transformation and rejecting Purgatory, by participating with his confreres, the 3 patriarchs, in 1643 in order to accept the confession of Moghila after its correction.” Le Quien (II, col. 773) wrote somewhat differently: “Anno itaque 1643 Euthymio, ut fert Vaticanus codex, vel potius Eutychio Chiensis patriarchatum eripuit Macarius Haleppensis qui eodem anno Constantinopoli agens, una cum Parthenio seniore Patriarcha Constantinopolitano, Joannicio Alexandrino et Paisio Hierosolymitano Patriarchis, ‘confessionem ecclesiae Orientalia,’ à Petro Mogila Russiae metropolitan delineatam approbavit, hunc in modum suscribens, ‘Makarios, Eleo Theou, Patriarches Tes Meghales Theou Poleos Antiochias,’ Macarius Patriarcha magnae Theopolis Antiochiae.” We know no Orthodox prelate of the Patriarchate of Antioch who had signed this confession (cf. J. Aymon, Monumens authentiques de la Religion Grecque…, La haye, 1708, pp. 358-362, where the Calvinist author had also once attached the “ignorant Patriarchs” of Antioch as he states further pp. 457-460, against Patriarch Macarios of Antioch who signed a profession of Orthodox faith against the Calvinists on December 5, 1671!) Besides, Macarios of Antioch was called Meletios in 1643 and was the Metropolitan of Aleppo (Radu, pp. 49-51; Macarios of Aleppo, pp. 632-633); moreover no voyage of this metropolitan to Constantinople is mentioned before his accession to the patriarchate in 1647 (Radu, p 4 and 84). All the more so since the 2 other patriarchs, Joannikios of Alexandria and Paisios of Jerusalem mentioned by Le Quien (loc. cit.) and Kimmel (I, pp. 53-54), only became patriarch in 1645! (cf. ERM, 2 (1963), col. 76; 6 (1965), col. 842; 8 (1966), col. 1240-1242).

On the subject of the Confession of Moghila, cf. EO, 26 (1929) 414-430; OC, no. 39 (1927); J. Karmiris, The Confession of Peter Moghila (in Greek), Athens 1953; Bapheides, Ecclesiastical History (in Greek), III, 1st part, pp. 146 ff. Note that Euthymios III of Antioch was no longer present at the great synod of Constantinople on September 24, 1638, which had gathered the other 3 Orthodox patriarchs. Cf. DThC, III, col. 1429.

[341] See above footnotes 306 and 318. The “Relation pour l’an 1650” of Jesuit J. Amieu shows us how Euthymios III always feared the fate of his predecessor, Euthymios II Karmeh. The account of Capuchin Michael of Rennes in 1641 confirms the first and reveals the state of mind of Euthymios III who reflected the other Orthodox of Antioch under the Ottoman yoke. Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 402; SOCG, vol. 120, fol. 28v and vol. 196, fol. 205r-215r.

[342] Radu, pp. 52-53; Macarios of Aleppo, p. 663. Before the “amazement” of the Greek clergy of Damascus while their patriarch was dying, because of his designation of the Metropolitan of Aleppo as his successor, one could wonder if his life had not been shortened in order to have had better relations with the Latin missionaries!

[343] The Capuchins founded their residences in 1632 at Saida, in 1634 at Tripoli and in 1637 at Damascus (cf. SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 55r-57r; “Brevis descriptio locorum Missionis Capucinorum provinciae Brittinicae in partibus Syriae et Palestinae”). The Jesuits had their residences in 1643 in Damascus (Besson, p. 68), in 1645 in Saida and Tripoli (cf. J. Hajjar, Les chrétiens Uniates du Proche-Orient, Paris, 1962, p. 219; SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 102r).

[344] In fact, the majority of Christians of Damascus, Saida and Tripoli were Greek-Melkites.

[345] Cf. Besson, p. 16: “The people of Aleppo are naturally good, and the Gospel it seems would not be disheartened if the door in was open. The people love the Franks and do not hate the Christians at all, the number of which is around one fifth of the city for which I wish the accomplishment of a good name of Hierapolis which some authors call it. Outside of individual conversions among the Jacobites, Nestorians and Armenians of Aleppo (cf. for example SOCG, vol. 413, fol. 145v; vol. 416, fol. 324r; vol. 128, fol. 89r, 96r and 99r), we have found no trace of “conversion” among the Greek Melkites at that time. The missionaries affirmed the “reduction” of some Greeks to the Catholic faith, who promised to make a written profession of faith without ever making it (cf. SOCG, vol. 62, fol. 80r and vol. 196, fol. 205r).

[346] It was Capuchin Michael of Rennes who recounts only how he had discussions with the rabbi of Aleppo by converting some Jews and some Turks to the catholic faith! (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 206rv).

[347] Queyrot wrote on December 26, 1636: “tutti i Sacerdoti e Vescovi o Metropoliti di questi paesi, altro non sanno che leggere e scrivere” (SOCG, vol. 115, fol. 599r). However, when we read the works of Karmeh, Macarios of Aleppo, Paul of Aleppo, etc…, this judgment appears very exaggerated to us.

[348] Cf. SOCG, vol. 118, fol. 115rv and vol. 106, fol. 224rv. In 1636, the students had reached the number 43 (SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 598v). Compare with Acta, vol. 12, fol. 33or; De Vries, p. 320.

[349] Cf. the letter of Bonin, Consul of France in Aleppo, dated June 1, 1645, in SOCG, vol. 62, fol. 129rv.

[350] Michael of Rennes wrote to Ingoli on February 26, 1645: “Il Signor Patriarcha Maronita (Joseph Akouri newly elected) mandera quanto prima un Oratore pro pallio quale condura seco li alunni per Ravenna. Il detto partiarcha ha fatto ultimamente certa congregatione delli soi vescovi et sacerdoti, la principal propositione d’essa fu in certa maniera contra li missionnarii quali essendo in gran stima et honore da tutto il popolo li preti della detta natione vedendosi come dispregaiti rapressentarno in qualche maniera quello che disse l’evangelio: ‘quid facimus quia hic homo multa signa facit. Si dimittimus eum sic omnes sequentur eum et venient Romani et tollent locum nostrum et gentem,’ cosi costoro persuasero con tanta efficacia al detto Signor Patriarca che se tollerava li missionarij con l’autorita delle Bulle Apostoliche loro nessumo si veria piu confessare a essi (perche sono ignorantissimi et cupidissimi di pecunia) (sic) che finalmente il detto Signor Patriarca fece un decreto dove scommunica quelli ch’ascoltrano le misse di franghi le domeniche et feste et ogni uno che si confessara o communicara alli Religiosi franghi, senza licentia in scriptis, quale licentia non vol dare a nessumo come l’habbiamo esperimentato essendo andati trovarlo et ingenochiati alli soi piedi con ogni instantia non l’ha voluto concedere nence (= neanche) in casu necessitatis…” (SOCG, vol. 62, fol. 62, fol. 105rv). Having had the right to explain himself before the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, the Maronite Patriarch wrote on April 26, 1646: “Non si è fatta questa prohibitione se non la disunione de Popolo, et per la mutatione delle nostre usannze et per altre necessità,… anzi s’era disunito il nostro popolo de Maroniti principalmente in Aleppo, et divisio in quarto parti, una parte con li Padri Cappucini, con li Padri Carmelitiani una parte, con li Padri Gesuiti un’altra, et il resto del popolo con li nostrri Sacerdoti, et haveano mutato l’usanze della nostra Natione, nessun’honore, et respetto portando alla nostra Sedia, et alli nostri Arcivescovi…” (SOCG, vol. 128, fol. 45r).

[351] The Carmelite Thomas of St. Joseph wrote to Ingoli on October 5, 1645: “Credo Sua Signoria Ill.ma havera intesso il grande impedimento ch’ha mess oil nuovo Patriarcha de Maroniti al bene dell’anime della sua gente, con prohibire sotto pena di scommunica a tutti sui di confessari o communicarsi da Missionarij franchi; andando tanto innanzi che hà scommunicato anche i missionarij che confesseranno o communicheranno alcuni de sui, il che ha caggiaonato grand.mo scandalo min questa povera natione quale camminava tanto bene che era benedittione di Dio… Gl’altri christiani Scismatici vengono liberamente et questi che sono della Chiesa non ardiscono; sarebbe buono che la S. Congregtatione vi mettesse ridemio, altrimenti li altri vescovi scismatici prohiberanno similmente i sui…” (Ibid., fol. 74rv; cf. also SOCG, vol. 62, fol. 129rv).

[352] “Ob mercatores in ea degentes, vel ad illam confluentes” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 89r). It is true that the nomination of a Latin bishop in Aleppo did not have a direct relation with the excommunication made by the Maronite patriarch, but the missionaries themselves already knew that a similar thing would have to come one day or another for all the Christian prelates of Aleppo. A Latin prelate could serve them well as someone to lean on in case they were rejected by the others.

[353] Cf. R. Janin, “Bagdad,” in DHGE, VI, 199.

[354] Ingoli wrote for the Congregation meeting 5 on January 23, 1645: “De episcopo in civitate Aleppi constintuendo: … Conviene far questi vescovi nell’Asia perche come si vede dalla lettera del Padre Ignatio Carmel. Scalzo, l’Arcivescovo di Goa si và facendo padrono dell’Asia, e vuol cacciar le missioni de nostri Italiani da Bassora, non ostante, che sia giuridicamente del Vescovo di Bagdat facendo pertutto li suoi vicarij, come con più lettere è stata avvisata la Sac. Congregatione” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 98v).

[355] Cf. “Positione per servitio de’ Christiani d’Aleppo” in SOCG, vol. 407, fol. 335r: “Altre volte s’è trattato in questa S. Congregatione di far’ un Vescovo in Aleppo Città populatissima con tutte le sette d’Oriente, ove sono 4 Missioni, cioè de’ Minori Osservanti, Carmelitani Scalzi, Capucini e Gesuiti, per seguitar l’ordine incominciato di far’ un Vescovo in ciascun Regno del’Infedeli: perche le Missioni sono sterili, e non ponno far sacerdoti del Paese, li quali, come s’è visto per isperienza nelle conversioni dell’Indie, hanno fatte molte più, che li nostril Sacerdoti Europei.” The Decree of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith of December 28, 1644 also gives this reason: “Ob mercaturam incolentium, vel ad illas (= cities of Syria) confluentium qui indigent Episcopo ob sacramentum Confirmationis, olea sacra, et sacros ordines” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 89r).

[356] In fact the Maronite bishop, Isaac Sciadraoui wrote to Rome in 1647 to protest in the name of the Maronite hierarchy against these new measures: “Isaac Maronita Alunno della Santa Chiesa Romana Arcivescovo di Tripoli di Soria notifica S. Santità che il suo Patriarca insieme con l’altri Prelati della Natione Maronita si dolgono e non hanno à caro che s’ordininio nelle loro Residenze altri Prelati latini, gia che li Vescovi Maroniti sono nativi del Paese e sopportano li travaglij e Tirannie de’ Turchi, essendo tanto obedienti alla S. Chiesa Romana, e cattolici li Prelati Maroniti quanto li Prelati latini, et una chiesa non puole havere insieme doi capi. Di più notifica S. Santità che li frati e Religiosi Missionarij nelle parti di Levante propria auctoritate ministrano li Sacramenti senza licenza del Patriarca e de’ Vescovi; per il che predetto Arcivescovo per l’ordine che ha dal suo Patriarca e dalli Prelati della sua Natione supplica Sua Santintà si degni dar’ordine che non si facciono Vescovi latini nelle Residenze delli Vescovi Maroniti, e che li Missionarij, secondo li canoni ecclesiastici non amministrino li Sacramenti se non con la licenza del Patriarca o del Vescovo del luogho. Che altrimente ci sara della dissensione e delli inconvenienti grandi, quali prohibendoli remediarà S. Santità” (SOCG, vol. 413, fol. 123r). But the congregation meeting 57 of April 26, 1647 responded: “Ubi sunt latini catholici, mixti cum aliis catholicis diversi Ritus à Latino, Latinis datur episcopus latinus, ob duas potissimas rationes: p.o ne successu tempore latini ad Ritum aliarum nationum transeant; 2.o ad evitandam confusionem Rituum, à Sacris canonibus et constitutionibus pontifijs prohibitam” (Ibid., fol. 123v).

[357] According to Ingoli the Latin rite was “più sicuro e più approvato degli altri, che sono stati da patriarchi heretici corrotti” (Ibid., fol. 126v). As for the creation of a Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, it was the guardian of this city, François de Como, who anticipated in 1646 what Pius IX did two centuries later for other reasons. In fact in a letter of January 28, 1646, this Franciscan missionary wrote to Ingoli: “Dico che’ s’appartenesse a me tal dispositione (i.e. to create Latin bishops in the East), al fine del mio triennio eleggerci qualche huomo di pezzo per mio successore, et in quello solo trasferirci detti Vescovati (of Cairo and Aleppo), con qualsivoglia altro dell’Oriente; acciochè come Metropolita o Patriarca commune a tutti li secolari contraditione tutti indirizzare, reggere e governare con tranquilità, e pace…” (SOCG, vol. 128, fol. 14r).

[358] Cf. SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 598r-599v and 602r. It concerns the letter of Fr. Jerome Queyrot written in Aleppo on December 26, 1636, in which he affirms: “Hora il vero rimedio a cosi gran male (= the ignorance of the local clergy) secondo il mio poco giuditio sarebbe d’instituire in queste parti qualche seminario nel quale a spese S. Chiesa Romana ch’è capo e Madre di tutte l’altre, s’allevassero et ammaestrassero nella virtù e nelle lettere alcuni giovanetti di buona espettatione… Non credo che si possa trovar luogo più a proposito per instituire un Seminario, che questa Città (= Aleppo) parte per la vicinanza de’luoghi ove Monsignor il Patriarca de’ Maroniti, et il Patriarca Antiocheno de’ Greci fanno la loro residenza; parte per la moltitudine de’ Christiani d’ogni rito e natione che qui si ritrova” (fol. 599rv).

[359] This was the famous school of the Cardinal de S. Honophrius. Cf. Acta, vol. 12, fol. 330rv (Congregation meeting 233 of July 20, 1637).

[360] Cf. The letters cited above of Fr. Queyrot and of Fr. Antoine de l’Aquila. Cf. also De Vries, p. 320. It is necessary to teach Latin to the Greeks along with Greek and Arabic (SOCG, vol. 118, fol. 115r).

[361] Until 1647 we know only the name of Peter Dib who remained 7 years at the college of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith and 6 months after with a Roman painter to return to Aleppo without any ecclesiastical order. Cf. above footnote 321.

[362] Cf. above footnote 324. According to the attestation of Capuchin Theophile Rhedonensis, the Jesuits of Damascus had around 1647 between 20 and 30 Greek boys in their school (SOCG, vol. 197, 346v).

[363] This was the first Greek Patriarch of Antioch who had been the student of the Jesuits. This was the beginning of a new conception of union with Rome propagated in the ranks of the Greek prelates of Antioch. Cf. Musset, II, pp. 164-169.

[364] There was, among others, Patriarch Athanasios III Dabbas who sent his profession of Catholic faith to Rome around the end of 1686 (cf. Rabbath, II, pp. 106-107; Mansi, vol. 46, col. 116) and the Metropolitan of Tyre, Euthymios Saifi who also sent his profession of Catholic faith immediately after his accession to the episcopate in 1683. The nephew of Euthymios Saifi, Cyril VI Tanas, was the first catholicized Patriarch of Antioch. Note that Saifi had no connection of relationship or thought with Karmeh whose Catholicism was more Orthodox than that of Saifi. Cf. Mansi, Vol. 46, col. 129-138; C. Bacha, History of the Greek-Melkites (in Arabic), I, Saida, 1938, passim. Compare with DHGE, vol. 3, col. 645 where several errors are superposed.

[365] Cf. SOCG., vol. 197, fol. 55r-57v; vol. 196, fol. 46r and fol. 205r-215r.

[366] Capuchin Michael of Rennes wrote from Saida on December 24, 1642: “Fanno in circa quindici giorni che ho instituito in cotesto hospitio una scola di studianti tanto maroniti quanto greci et n’habbiamo di gia dieci, li quali ogni giorno vanno motiplicando et si io volessi inanzi che fusse un mese credo che n’haverei piu de cinquanta ma non habbiamo luogo bastante…” (SOCG, vol. 122, fol. 130v). The Jesuits bought themselves a house in Saida on May 7, 1645. Cf. J. Hajjar, Les Chrétiens uniates du Proche-Orient, Paris 1962, p. 219.

[367] Cf. DHGE, “Beyrouth,” VIII, 1309; SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 110r and 346v. The Carmelites sent two fathers, the Jesuits only one, who on April 26, 1645 took possession of the two rooms in the Khan of the port.

[368] Cf. SOCG, vol. 128, fol. 126rv where Capuchin Michael of Rennes asked the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith to send a bishop to visit the missions in the east, adding: “Lodato Iddio, li capuccini non hanno ancora cacciato via alcuno visitatore Apostolico come feccero quelli (= the Franciscan Fathers of Jerusalem) per due volte il detto monsignore (= Peter Vespa, Bishop of Paphos in Cyprus), et l’havessero cacciato per la terza volta se io non l’havessi aiutato, perche cotesti padri non vogliono patire alcuno altro nel Oriente, etiamche nessumo di essi si travaglia in maniera alcuna alla missione o alla conversione delle anime anzi ruinano tutto per le discordie loro con li christiani Orientali come si vede giornalmente…” (letter written at Saida on August 21, 1645).

[369] Cf. SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 205r-215r, and vol. 120, fol. 28v. It concerns the Greek bishop of Nazareth passing through Damascus, who died 6 days after the discussion with Fr. Michael, because he had not accepted the infallibility of the pope. Also he had been “castigato quasi miraculosamente da Dio per sue bestemmie contro la Chiesa Romana” (fol. 212r of vol. 196 cited). The patriarch in question is Euthymios III the Chiot who never confessed in writing his tendencies for union with Rome. Cf. above footnotes 306 and 332.

[370] Note that it concerns a Greek Orthodox Church where the Latin missionary could freely preach to the faithful of this church! Cf. the reaction of other missionaries before this “cummunicato in sacris” in SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 333rv. One could wonder on the other hand how these Catholics could also frequent an Orthodox Church! The question was posed to the missionaries of Aleppo since 1638: “Se un christiano Scismatico venendo as un missionario per confessarsi ed abiurare la sua setta, ed heresia, deve doppo la professione della fede sottraerlo, ed allontanarlo d’ella Sua Chiesa, e riti, venendo, sempre dopo detta professione a Catholici per il Sacramento di penitenza, il che essendo sarebbe causa d’el odio dalla Sua Natione e d’elle Avanie de’ Turchi” (SOCG, vol. 118, fol. 69r). And Ingoli responded: “non debet si Ritus non involvat heresim vel quid illum pro sancto aliquis hereticus honoretur” (Ibid., fol. 69v).

[371] “Per il bene, che facciamo con gli Greci, è che la piu grande parte di lori credono a l’Ecclesia Catholica romana et cognoscono gla Sua Santità il Suo Pastore per vero Successore di S. Pietro, io ho predicato assai volte nel Ecclesia loro et mi oscultanno, et fanno stima del le mie parole come fossero catholici roamani, et predicando a lori sopra la processione del Spiritu Santo, et provando che procede del Padre et del Figlio come d’uno principio, ciascuno credeva al le mie parole et nessumo mi diceva il contraio, quando assai volte venimo al la disputa con lori sopra la preeminentia del Summo pontifice Il Papa, restanno confusi, et non sanno che rispondere et restanno convinti, ricognoscendolo Vicario di Christo et vero Successore di S. Pietro” (SOCG, vol. 120, fol. 42r). For most of the missionaries in the east this represented the principal object of their preaching among the Orthodox.

[372] In an account of Capuchin Theophile Rhedonensis, written around the year 1647, we read: “(we see coming) in illam missonem nostrum Palestinae et Syriae RR. Patres Carmelites discasos et Jesuitas, quibus possent dici verba Christi Domini Nostri, quod missi fuerunt metere quod non laboraverant, Patres enim nostril spinas eccllerant et ipsi in labores eorum introierunt… Sunt etiam R. Patres Observantes ex Jerusalem et Jersuitas in Sydone et Damasco, sed nulli eorum Missionem faciunt…” (SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 346v).

[373] One was convinced that “se li franchi hanno da venire pigliare queste parte, se non vi si trovano Missionarij nel medesimo tempo non se portra far fruttto” (Ibid., fol. 110r). And Michael of Rennes wrote: “Certo si il Signor Idio stabilisse buono pace tra principi christiani con una crociada si vederia quanto profitto nostril missionarij hanno fatto costa” (SOCG, vol. 196, fol. 206v).

[374] It was his son, Paul of Aleppo, who left us a witness of his famous “Voyage du Patriarche Macaire d’Antioche.” Radu (p. 52) made a mistranslation in his French version: “the priests and clergy met, they gave him (= Euthymios) the sacred unction and asked him who should replace him if he died. He responded to them by telling them his wish and intention: ‘If you want a clever organizer do not put another person as patriarch other than the Metropolitan of Aleppo.’ He finished this judicious advice by the excellent word of the holy Gospel: ‘the disciple will be considered like his master.’ He was made like his predecessor, that is to say the one who had consecrated him. He chose (my father) (sic) metropolitan.” The Arabic text (Radu, p. 52) which it is necessary to admit is very complicated, rather has another sense in the second part of this paragraph: “for this judicious advice fulfilled the excellent word of the holy Gospel ‘the disciple will be considered like his master,’ because he had made like his predecessor, that is to say like the latter (= Karmeh) had designated and chosen him, also the former ( = Euthymios of Chios) had elected and made the Metropolitan of Aleppo (= Meletios Zaim).”

[375] SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 599r: “E cosi tra Greci un Tesitor d’Armesini (purple) tirato dal Telaio viene a esser fatto Metropolita d’Aleppo” (letter of December 26, 1636). We clearly see that Meletios Zaim had never studied with the Latin missionaries of this city, but we know that he was son of the priest Paul, son of priest Abdel-Massih Zaim of Aleppo, and from his infancy he was the disciple of Karmeh, whom he succeeded in the episcopate and patriarchate (Radu, p. 42; Rustum, p. 49).

[376] Radu, pp. 51 and 57; Rustum, Ibid. Paul of Aleppo became a reader (and not “deacon” as Radu translated) on May 8, 1642. On February 17, 1644 he had (!) to get married and on November 21, 1647 he was ordained “archdeacon of Damascus, Aleppo and all the Arab countries.”

[377] Radu, p. 42: “from his youth he was his student, he ordained him deacon, priest and pastor by raising him to the rank of confessor.” Compare with the version of Radu. Let us remark here that the article “Makarios Antiocheia” in ERM, 8 (1966), col. 485 contains several errors that the author could have avoided by consulting the article “Antiochia” in the same ERM, 2 (1963), col. 899-900 and 908. For example he affirms that Patriarch Macarios had the name Meletios before entering into the clergy and that he remained patriarch from 1641 to 1688, even though he was named John before becoming Metropolitan Meletios of Aleppo and that he was patriarch from 1647 until 1672!

[378] Radu, pp. 43-44. It was the clergy and people of Aleppo who chose their new Pastor and sent him to Damascus for episcopal chirotonia. It was not Karmeh who consecrated his successor on the See of Aleppo as Rustum thinks (p. 49), because Karmeh died on January 1, 1635 and Zaim was consecrated ten months later by Euthymios III the Chiot. Besides the text reproduced by Rustum says the contrary of what this author affirms! Meletios Zaim had many titles and prerogatives to support his weak patriarchate, Cf. Chapter IV above.

[379] SOCG, vol. 195, fol. 599v.

[380] Cf. L. Lemmens, Hierarchia latina Orientis, in OC, 2 (1924) 296-300. Always sick, Dovara never returned to Aleppo until his resignation in 1650. In Aleppo one always knew about this nomination on which the French consul Bonin congratulated the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith on May 28, 1646 (cf. SOCG, vol. 128, fol. 90r).

[381] The first time he remained there from August 9 to November 22, 1640; the second time from February 1 to May 17, 1644 (Radu, pp. 46-47 and 51). We see that the patriarch had the right of receiving the tithe in all the eparchies of his patriarchate without any resistance of the local bishop.

[382] Radu, pp. 47-49. Paul of Aleppo notes that he had wanted to remain longer with Patriarch Theophanes of Jerusalem.

[383] Radu, p. 49. The affection of Zaim with the Georgians bore fruit when he became Patriarch of Antioch with whom the Georgians identified as subjects. See the eulogies of the missionaries further down, in Acta, Congregation meeting of November 29, 1666. Cf. Le Quien II, col. 686. The affirmation of Musset II, p. 162, on the subject on the envoy of Zaim in 1642 in Georgia, is based on the words of V. Grumel: “In 1641-1642, (Meletios Zaim) going to Jerusalem where he met Maximos, Catholicos of western Georgia resulted in renewing relations of the Church of Antioch with this country. In fact, on return to Syria, he was named by Patriarch Euthymios III Exarch of the region of Amida (Diarbekir)” (EO, 27 (1928), p. 68. More precisely, Meletios Zaim had been in Jerusalem for Pascha 1642. The Catholicos of Georgia accompanied him to Aleppo by passing through Damascus (from May 1 to 8, 1642). Cf. Radu, pp. 48-49. But Meletios Zaim was exarch of Diarbekir since his accession to the episcopate on October 27, 1635 (Radu, p. 44). And what is the relation of Diarbekir with Georgia? When becoming patriarch, Zaim needed to consecrate a bishop for the eparchy of Diarbekir and to designate an exarch for Georgia, two different things (cf. Radu, pp. 57-58 and 62-63)!

[384] This was reserved to the patriarch uniquely when he was in Damascus. Cf. Radu, Ibid. Compare with Le Quien, II, col. 773.

[385] Killiz is 60 km north of Aleppo.

[386] Radu, pp. 52-53. Macarios of Aleppo, p. 633. The version of Radu lends confusion. The metropolitan was at Killiz and it was the messenger who looked for him in other localities before finding him.

[387] Radu, p. 53. Did he perhaps have this “grave illness” which Euthymios II Karmeh suffered and which Euthymios III the Chiot now suffered? It seems that that he also died of poisoning! (cf. Rustum, p. 103).

[388] Radu, Ibid; Macarios of Aleppo, Ibid. Nevertheless Le Quien (II, p. 773) affirms: “anno itaque 1643 Euthymio ut fert Vaticanus Codex, vel potius Eutychio chiensi patriarchatum eripuit Macarius Haleppensis.”

[389] Radu, pp. 53-54; Macarios of Aleppo, Ibid.; Rustum, p. 48. The metropolitans were: Meletios of Hama, Philotheos of Homs, Youasaf of Qara and Gregory of Hauran.

[390] Cf. Radu, p. 51.

[391] Radu, p. 55. To have an idea on the importance of this amount, it is sufficient to remark how the patriarch could only obtain the 6000 piastres after having collected the tithe from all the eparchies of his patriarchate, by visiting them from July 6, 1648 until February 11, 1650 (cf. Radu, pp. 58-64). But meanwhile the interest accumulated and it was necessary all over again!

[392] Radu, pp. 56-57. Paul of Aleppo thinks that the debt surpassed thirteen thousand piastres. That’s why the patriarch had to pawn the four patriarchal crowns which the eparchy of Damascus possessed.

[393] It concerns the Aleppian Deacon Gabriel who became archimandrite in 1648 under the name of Gerasimos and who, after the return from his mission in Georgia, was consecrated Bishop of Furzol on May 6, 1651 by Macarios himself. Cf. Radu, pp. 57-58 and 68; Rustum, p. 53.

[394] It is clear that Gaza was part of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Even so the faithful of this eparchy did not hesitate going to request help from the great Patriarch of Antioch, Macarios (cf. Radu, pp. 65-67). The future Archbishop of Gaza, Paisios Ligarides, who looked for extracting money by all means, wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith on January 16, 1653: “Aiutali (= the Christians of Gaza) molto il presente patriarcha di Antiochia, detto Macario, persona molto devota, e di grand giuditio, il quale tanto ha saputo negotiare, con li governatori, che ha sminuito molto li charahi (=kharage), spesse pero gran denari, con il consenso della citta di Gaza, et hora rimane indebito di 1500 reali, linquali vanno giornalemente cresendo (sic for “crescendo”), con le usure turchesce, a grandissimo danno, e pericolo delli habitanti christiani di Gaza” (SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 197r). In a preceding letter written by the same Ligarides on November 6, 1652, we read: “Il patriarcha di Antiochia molto agiuto questi di Gaza, con farli scancelar tanti Carazi (sic), per liquali molti si fecero turchi, per liverarsi dal aggravio” (Ibid., fol. 204r). But Paul of Aleppo shows that these Christians of Gaza were ungrateful toward the Patriarch of Antioch (cf. Radu, pp. 66-67).

[395] This was the Aleppian Salomon, son of the priest Farjallah, who took the name Sylvester (Radu, pp. 67-68). Soon after, Sylvester died of the plague. The Patriarch replaced him by Gerasimos of Furzol. Cf. above footnote 393. See Rustum, p. 54.

[396] Radu, pp. 68-70. Macarios was accompanied by his son Paul and by a large retinue.

[397] Radu, pp. 84-146.

[398] Paisios I of Larissa was elected in July and enthroned August 1, 1652. He was driven out of the Patriarchate at the beginning of April 1653. He returned around mid-March 1654 to be expelled again in March 1665 (cf. Grumel, I, p, 438).

[399] Joannikios II was Patriarch of Constantinople the first time from November 16, 1646 until October 29, 1648, the second time from the beginning of June 1651 until mid-June 1652, the third time from the first decade of April 1653 until the beginning of March 1654, and the last time from March 1655 until mid-July 1656 (Ibid.). It was Paul of Aleppo who describes the details of this synod by mentioning the principal ideas of the discourses of Sergios, of Paisios I and of his father Patriarch Macarios who “pronounced a sermon in Arabic for one hour” (Radu, pp. 134-138).

[400] Radu, pp. 138-139: “He anathematized him and all those who offered him their assistance while he wore the stole and omophorion.” Radu has the anathema against Cyril Lucaris, although it pertains here to Patriarch Joannikios II who lived at the time of the synod.

[401] Cf. Radu, pp. 147-200 and 443-524. While Macarios was also in Moldavia, there had been a decisive battle between Basil Lupu and George Etienne who took him. This latter one allowed the Patriarch of Antioch leave for Vallachia.

[402] V. Grumel (EO, 27 (1928), pp. 68 and 70) speaks of the synod of Moscow at which Macarios III took part. He placed it in 1654, while Macarios did not arrive until 1655!

[403] Cf. Radu, pp. 525 ff.

[404] Cf. EO, 27 (1928), pp. 68-73, where we can find a general idea on the literary work of Macarios III Zaim and on his role in the Synod of Moscow of 1655. The Euchologion concerns the version made by Karmeh and sent to Rome in 1634 with his Protosyncellos Pachomios. Cf. above Chapter III.

[405] In fact while Macarios III was at Bolkhov to celebrate Pascha, “he received a letter from Alexis dated the evening of April 4 (1656) in which he was invited by the emperor to return to Moscow, the emperor having had on Holy Friday a discussion with Nikon on the attitude of the latter toward him” (Radu, pp. 8-9).

[406] Cf. Bacha, Voyage, p. 74. It was Paul of Aleppo who commented in the cited passage. For the question of rebaptism among the Orthodox, cf. OC, no. 39 (1927), pp. 155-158.

[407] Cf. Radu, pp. 9-10. In all the cities that he visited, Macarios III celebrated the Divine Liturgy in all solemnity. He was received everywhere as the great Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch, and the faithful as well as their leaders appeared very generous to him.

[408] Rustum, pp. 54-55.

[409] The synod took place on August 28, 1659 at Damascus. Cf. the acts of this synod in Rustum, pp. 55-56.

[410] Rustum, pp. 56-59; Nasrallah, Chronologie, p. 50; Radu, p. 37.

[411] Franciscan Antoine de l’Aquila wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith on November 10, 1639 on the subject of sending two Greek candidates to the college of S. Honophrius in Rome: “Il loro Arcivescovo anco si mostra poco inclinato a questa santa impressa” (SOCG, vol. 119, fol. 106r).

[412] Rabbath, I, p. 402. Here it concerns the visit that Macarios made to Saida on July 6, 1648 and to Tripoli on October 18, 1648 which he left on February 15, 1649 after having covered all of Mount Lebanon and visited all his Greek faithful as well as Emir Melhem. Cf. Radu, pp. 58-62; Rustum, pp. 50-51.

[413] David, age 50, was beheaded by the Ottomans on July 28, 1660 after 3 months in prison. His son Wehbe (or Theodore) entered the college of S. Honophrius of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith on December 29, 1661 and finished by being a Carmelite and then named then Apostolic vicar at Smyrna with the title of “Archbishop of Cyrene.” He died April 18, 1715. Cf. L. Lemmens, Hierarchia Latina Orientis, in OC, I (1923) 253. Wehby David was called here David Daud (=David)! Compare with Rabbath, I, p. 457; L’Unité de l’Eglise, 81 (1936) 748-789); Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, pp. 137-138. It was Consul Picquet who left us a moving account of the martyrdom of this Greek-Melkite in Aleppo. Cf. G. Goyau, Le rôle religieux du Consul François Picquet dans Alep (1652-1662) in Revue d’Histoire des Missions, 12 (1935) 161-198; Archives of the Roman V. Emanuele Library, Varia 275, pp. 7-20: “Breve relatione della gloriosa morte di David Greco martirizano nella città di Aleppo a 28 Luglio 1660.”

[414] Cf. Rabbath, I, pp. 456-459: “Brève relation de la Mission d’Alep in 1662 adressée aux âmes dévotes par les Supérieurs des Missions des RR.PP. Capucins, Carmes et Jésuites” Cf. Rustum (p. 99) which corrects the erroneous Arabic translation of this text made by Bacha (Voyage, pp. 119 ff).

[415] “Knowing that the Consul (Picquet) had to leave to Rome and France, he (patriarch) sent him a letter asking him to give it directly to the hand of His Holiness, in which he manifested recognizing the pope as sovereign pontiff of the Orthodox Church, and promised that he would do his utmost to reunite his nation to the Roman Church from which pride had separated it” (Rabbath, I, p. 459). These affirmations need to be rectified by comparing them with the true contents of Macarios’ letter (also nowhere to be found) exposed in Acta, vol. 31, fol. 100r-101r.

[416] The manuscript bears the word “Chirentichio!” It concerns Euthymios II Karmeh who, in 1634, sent his delegate Protosyncellos Pachomios to Rome with the patriarchal seal to sign the union of the Greek Patriarchate of Antioch with the Roman Church.. Pachomios also took with him two Arabic manuscripts of the Euchologion and Horologion. Cf. above, Chapter III.

[417] The manuscripts has: “dalla lingua greca nell’Armena,” and further “in lingua siriaca!” One easily confused Arabic with Armenian and Syriac!

[418] Karmeh died January 1, 1635. Cf. above Chapter III.

[419] Karmeh had never asked for ten books to be printed at Rome, but only the Arabic Bible with the Euchologion and Horologion. Cf. above, chapter III.

[420] Acta, vol. 31, fol. 100r-101r: “Il Patriarca de greci di Antiochia accenna il desiderio grande, che hà di veder S. Santità , mà già che non gli è permesso dalla distanza de luoghi, prega Dio, che conduca a fine i suoi pensieri, che hà intorno all’unione della S. Chiesa, e benche paia cosa difficile, spera, che si renderà facile coll’aiuto divino, e della Beatissima Vergine. Supplica poi S. Santità voglio pregar Dio per quei poveri christiani hoggi ridotti in estrema miseria, e paragonando lo stato florido dell’antica Chiesa d’Oriente a quello, che prova adesso tanto calamitoso, attribuisce si gran mutatione all’essersi essa separata dalla Chiesa Romana. Hora è risoluto di cercar tutti i mezzi per riunirla, perche questa separatione non proceduta da heresia alcuna, mà dalla superbia, è ben vero, che per evitare molti disordini è necessario di procedere con segretezza, percio dice, che esporrà à S. Santità i suoi disegni il Sr. Francesco Picquet, di cui loda le rare virtù, e particolarmente la pietà verso i poveri, il zelo, e’l’industria usata per la conversione degli heretici, e dice che se questo virtuoso, huomo fusse rimasto in quelle parti haveria ridotta à perfettione l’unione delle nationi.

Aggiunge, che il Patriarca Chierentichio (= Euthymios) fece instanza ad Urbano VIII che li fossero stampati alcuni libri dalla lingua Greca nell’Armena (!= Arabic) necessarij per la Religione, et il Papa decreto che si stampassero, mà perche essendo venuto à morte il Patriarca non fù eseguito, replica egli il medesimo, e frà dieci libri (!), che chiedeva quello, esso ne sciegle due soli, cioè l’Euchologion, e l’Horologion.

Rappresenta la miserie, in che sono condotti quei popoli per le tirannie, ch’essercitanno I Governatori perche è difficilissimo il ricorrere al Sultano, atessa la troppa lontananza, e dice, che se dureranno ancora per dieci anni, sarà l’ultimo esterminio di tutti i christiani di quei Paesi, e che percio se paresse à S. Santità di persuadere al Rè di Francia, che mandi per suo Ambasciatore in Constantinopoli il Sr. Francesco Picquet, sarebbe l’unico rimedio di questo male, oltre che quei christiani si disporrebbero maggiormente all’obedienza, et all’amore di S. Santità, vedendo, che si degna di tener cura di loro. Intanto aspettano d’esser consolati con una lettera di benedittione.” Despite the lacuna of this account, we prove only what satisfies us of its content, since the original letter in Arabic is no longer found.

[421] Ibid., fol. 101r: “Monsignore Segretario dice, che il Sr. Piquet stima che per adesso basti compliacerlo della stampa di questi due libri, e risponderli, et intanto osservar come si porti per usarli poi quando lo meriti qualche altra dimonstratione.” After leaving Rome, Piquet changed his opinion and wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith “che si mandi loro (to the two Patriarchs, Greek and Armenian) qualche cosa” (Ibid., fol. 152r).

[422] Ibid., fol. 101e: “Imprimantur libri transmissi postquam fuerint diligenter recogniti, et si opus erit, expurgati, ut si supplicetur Sanctissimo, ut benignè respondeat; scribatur etiam Patribus excalceatis, ut si professionem fidei catholicae emisit, transmittant ad Urbem, ut possit asservai in Regestis S. Officij.”

[423] Korolevsky, Histoire des Patriarcats Melkites, II, p. 122.

[424] From 1636 until 1645 there were 82 meetings of the particular commission for the correction of the Greek Euchologion. But with the “grave controversies which arose among the members of the commission” the work was abandoned. Cf. Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, pp. 134-135. After the Congregation meeting of May 22, 1662, we see that the interpreter of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Abraham Ecchellensis saw the Euchologion sent by Macarios and made it conform to the Greek. Thus the suppressed commission needed to be reconstituted. The cardinals wrote this rescript on July 17, 1662: “Instituatur denuo Congregatio particularis super Eucologio per Em.mos Barberinum, Brancaccium et Albitium, nec non.”

[425] Archiv. Vatic., epist ad princip., vol. 64, fol. 224rv: Venerabili Fratri Macario Patriarchae Graecorum Antiocheno Alexander Papa VII.

Venerabilis frater salutem. Cum ex literis fraternitatis tuae die 30 Septembris Anni praeteriti datis, cum ex voce dilecti filii Francisci Piquet intellexumus, te non solum orthodoxae fidei veritatem firmiter sequi, et Ecclesiam Romanan aliarum omnium Caput et Magistram agnoscere, verum etiam omnibus mentis tuae viribus in eo totum esse, ut Ecclesias et Populos tibi subiectos omnes benedicente Domino ad eiusdem Apostolicae sedis Unitatem et communionem adducere queas quod ingenti sane cum animi gaudio audivimus, cum nihil gratius, aut optatius Nobis accidere possit, quam tot Animarum pretioso Iesu Christi sanguine redemptarum ad sinum amantissimae Matris post aevi tanti vetustatem reductio, et salus. Quare praecipuo Pontificae Caritatis affectu te quidem, ac zelum praeclarum tuum in Domino complectimur, utque in adeo pium, et in comparabilis in utraque Vita gloriae plenum opus toto pectore constanter incumbas, te etiam atque etiam hortamur, atque rogamus. In hanc profecto causam cuncta, quae pro re ac tempore poterunt, officiorum ut auctoritatis adiumenta conferre, et Misericordiarum Patrem Deum precibus enixis adire nunquam desinemus. Caeterum florentissimae quondam Ecclesiae istius afflictionibus, et calamitatibus ex intimo sensu Cordis Paterni compatimur, easque S.R.E. Cardinalibus Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda fide mandavimus, et libros pro usu Sacerdotum, et profectu Populorum a te petitos quamprimum recognosci, et imprimi curent, quaemadmodum ex illorum literis omnia melius percipere poteris. Interim laboribus, et optatis piis tuis Ven. Fr. Adiutorem et Protectorem Omnipotentem Deum oramus, Apostilicamque benedictionem ab eo praemanter impertimur. Datum Romae apud S. Mariam Maiorem sun Annulo Piscatoris Die 22 Julii 1662 Pontificatus Nostri Anno Octavo.” This document was published in part by Tamarati (Istoria katholikobisa karthvelltha scioris, Tiflis 1902, pp. 636-637) and entirely by Grumel (EO, 27 (1928), p. 75). Compare with Musset, II, p. 163 which affirms very simply: “Pope Alexander VIII had the liturgical books that he had requested sent to him (=Macarios)!”

[426] This concerns the Syrian Archbishop of Aleppo, Dionysios Akhi-John, who had been raised in the Maronite College of Rome and had received priestly ordination as well as the episcopate from the hands of Maronite Patriarch John Safrawi (1648-1656). In August 9, 1656 he was enthroned as Archbishop of the Jacobites of Aleppo. The Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith considered him “Maronite” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 41r). At the death of Jacobite Patriarch Simon of Tour Abdine, the Catholics of Aleppo aligned themselves at the side of Akhi-John to proclaim him patriarch. Cf. Rabbath, I, pp. 95-96 and 453-465; Musset, II, pp. 220-223; De Vries, p. 321; A. Hayek, La relazioni della chiesa Siro-Giacobita colla S. Sede dal 1143 al 1656 (unpublished doctoral thesis which was sustained at the Oriental Institute of Rome in 1936).

[427] The French Consul Baron, successor of Picquet at Aleppo, while the missionaries of this city gave an account to Rome where it was read in the presence of Pope Alexander VIII: “Il nuovo Patriarca è stato accolto con molte cortesie dall’istesso Bassà con esibitione ancora di reprimere queli, che se gli opponessero, et anche da gli altri due Patriarchi de Greci, e de gli Armeni, che ambedue sono intrinsecamente cattolici, come apparisce dalla lettera, che il primo scrisse alla Santità Vostra l’anno passato (cf. above footnotes 420 and 425), e da quella che il secondo invia hora onde per comandamento del Bassà andaromo in Chiesa insieme col nuovo Patriarca à far le solite cerimonie…” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 41v-42r). Cf. Le Quien, II, col. 774. Compare with Rabbath, I, p. 466, where it is said that the two patriarchs, Greek and Armenian, with the brother of Andrew consecrated bishop a little before in the same ceremony, “he (Akhi-John) said the ordinary prayers which are suitable at the establishment of patriarchs.” And the people cried out: “Today the Holy Spirit descends on the Church of the Syrians.” It even seems that all three patriarchs “gave the blessing to the people.” Can we conclude that it concerns a “Communicatio in spiritualibus” among a Catholic, Orthodox and Monophysite? For these patriarchs, the essential was to belong to the Church of Christ.

[428] Acta, vol. 32, fol. 42r: “Tre giorni doppo (6 das later: Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 466) il console invito à pranzo tutti tre I Patriarchi con i loro cleri, et havendo quello de greci fatto un brindisi alla salute della S.V. con parole di sentimento molto cattolico, fù fatta ragione dagli altri due, e da loro cleri con la testa scoperta, et in piedi.” Rabbath, I, pp. 466-467, recounts this fact and reports the words that Macarios had pronounced at this banquet: “To the health of our Holy Father the Pope, head of the Church, and I pray God that there be only one flock and one shepherd as in the past.” It is necessary to admit that these words are not as clear as some think they are (cf. EO, I c., p. 74; Musset, II, pp. 162-163; Bacha, Voyage, pp. 119-123). What did he mean by “Church?” What “Shepherd” was he speaking about? How did he see “in the past?” Let us not forget the other part that “our Holy Father” is used much in the Greek Liturgy to designate priests and bishops: for example “Pater hagie,” “Dhi Evkhon ton hagion Pateron imon…” etc…

[429] “Sperano il Console, et i Missionarij, che da questo successo debba presto sortir l’unione, di tutte quelle tre nationi Orientali (= Syrians, Greeks and Armenians) alla S. Sede perche quanto à i Soriani quei, che prima per paura del Patriarca eretico erano catolici occulti, hoggi si sono manifestati cattolici. Si spera il medesimo di quei pochi, che restano… E quanto poi àgli altri essendo i Patriarchi Cattolici non consacreranno Vescovi, che non sian tali, ne questi promoveranno al Sacerdotio gli heretici, dal che ne seguirà anche la riduttione del Popolo…” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 42rv). This is the tactic that later would be applied by Euthymios Saifi in Saida and Damascus. Cf. C. Bacha, History of the Greek Melkites (Arabic), Saida 1938, pp. 466 ff. See DHGE, 16 (1967), col. 67: “Saifi sent his religious to preach in most of the eparchies of the patriarchate. He used this same tactic as well to designate one of them to be near the bishop of the diocese, to assist him, counsel him and when needed to take his place, and to succeed him.”

[430] “Suggerisce riverentemente Monsignor Segretario, che quei Missionarij con la solita ardenza della Natione non contenti di aiutar la fede con gli ordinarij mezi spirituali, van procurando col denaro i mezi straordinarij con l’autorità del Turco, e veduto, che riusci bene à Monsù Picquet il far dare per questa strada il Vescovo Cattolico à Soriani come si è detto nella relatione si sono con l’istessi mezi avanzati à farlo fare Patriarca, mà da persone pratiche degli usi dell’Oriente, questo modo è sommamente biasimato; e se ne temono pessimi effeti, perche havendo con questo introdotto il turco à por le mani in queste materie, il che non haveva fatto sin’hora co’Cattolici, avverrà loro quello, che à tutte l’hore avviene à gli altri scismatici, Greci, Armeni, e Soriani, che frà poco si vederanno molti Vescovi, e Patriarchi deposti, e forsi anche fatti morire, e posti in sedia hora un cattolico, hor’un Scismatico, secondo le maggiori offerte, che saran fatte da una parte, e dall’altra… Con questa medesima intentione insistono continuamente che si mandi denaro per sovvenir quei cattolici, et alletar con questo gli altri; ma se gli è sempre riposto, non giunger nuovo alla Congregazione, che con questo mezo si convertirebbero tutti I Popoli dell’Oriente, che non sapendo communiemente quell che si credano, sono indifferenti à qualunque fede, alla quale poi di gran lunga antepongono l’interesse; mà ne questo modo, ne altro detto di sopra de Vescovi esser punto conforme all’Institutio Evangelico, che professa la Congregatione, ne alle sue forze, che devono abbracciar tutto il mondo, mà non se rendono capaci si come con fatica arrivo à capire l’istesso Picquet, quando fù qui, che per quel, che l’intende da persone di qualche prudenza hà con la sua larga pietà apportato in questo più danno, che utile, poiche havendo allettati quei Cattolici con questi sussidij, hoggi che non li ricenovo, se ne sdegnano, e si alienano da i Missionarij” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 43r-44r. Also see the attitude of Franciscan Fr. Lambert, Guardian in Aleppo and commissioner of the Holy Land in Syria, in Acta, vol. 33, fol. 44rv).

[431] “Concedatur Pallium, et Breve confirmationis pro novo Patriarcha cum solitis clausulis sanationis nullitatum… Moneantur prudenter (Missionarii) iuxta id adnotata à Secretario…” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 44rv).

[432] This Armenian patriarch who lived in Aleppo at this time sent a letter of obedience to Pope Alexander VII in 1662 (cf. footnote 427). In November 1666 he arrived in Rome with his son, his two nephews and a priest to make the profession of Catholic faith after having made it in writing one year earlier (Acta, vol. 35, fol. 320r-321r).

[433] “Fr. Girolamo de S. Teresia Carmelitano Scalzo mandato quà dal nuovo Patraiarca de Soriani per ottenergli la confermatione da S. Santità espone le seguenti istanze:

1) Che à i due Patriarchi de greci, e degli Armeni si mandino due calici. Dice Monsignor Segretatio (Mario Alberici), che il Signor Console Picquet fù vario in questa materia, quando si tratto d’inviare un regalo al Patriarca de Greci, perche prima disse, che non bisognava, e poi scrisse, che si, e la varietà nasce, perche il farlo unitamente con la risposta della lettera d’obedienza che scrivono, par che deroghi qualche poco al decoro della materia, e possa da Scismatici malignarsi di venalità quell’atto di obedienza che i Vescovi rendomo, all’incontro poi si sà, che con li Orientali non vi è miglior mezo di questo per mantenerli in fede (cf. the response of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith to the Maronite Patriarch George Bseb’eli (1637-1670) who had requested pontifical vestments, in Acta, vol. 33, fol. 100rv).

2) Che i medesimi Patriarchi hanno pensiero di mandar due Vescovi à render’obedienza à S. Santità, mà perche sarebbe forsi difficile à rimandarli sodisfatti, come accade con gli Orientali poco capaci di ragione (beautiful compliment for the easterners who lived in Rome), quando la S. Congregatione non l’approvasse, esso ne farlà avvisato i Missionarij di Aleppo, i quali procuraranno destramente di dissuader-negli” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 63rv). Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 467. It seems that this same Carmelite Jerome also carried letters of the three Patriarchs, Syrian, Greek and Armenian, to Louis XIV. Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 477. New letters were confided to Consul Baron for the French king in February 1663. Cf. Rabbath, I. pp. 468-476. Macarios is content with exposing the misery in which the Christians of the east are found. Cf. EO, 27 (1928), p. 76; Musset, II, p. 163; Hajjar, op. cit., pp. 224 and 234; Rustum, p. 99.

[434] “Quoad primum mittantur Calices petiti. Quoad secundum non impediuntur si velint aliquem hùc mittere” (Acta, vol. 32, fol. 64r).

[435] Korolevsky (DHGE, III, col. 643) affirms: “Macarios decided in 1662 to write to Rome, waiting to hear if he should perhaps send two bishops carrying his profession of faith, which he did in fact in 1664.” Grumel (EO, 27, (1928), pp. 76-77) repeats this without verification. Musset (II, p. 163) bases himself on Korolevsky (loc, cit.) affirms: “Macarios had this profession of faith carried to Rome by two of his priests!” Nasrallah (Notes et Documents, p. 138) wrote that “Macarios had to follow (the letter examined on May 22, 1662) with another, since the Congregation meeting of April 2, 1663 took note that Macarios was disposed to send two bishops to make the profession of faith in his name.” To reassure our historians, it is certain the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith only knew about two letters from Macarios from 1647 until 1672 (cf. Acta, vol. 17-43): that dated September 30, 1661 addressed to Pope Alexander VII (cf. footnote 425) and the other of December 14, 1663 addressed to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith that we will analyze later. Macarios never wrote on the subject of sending two bishops or two priests to Rome. It was the Carmelite Jerome of St. Therese who spoke of a “pensiero” which had the two patriarchs, Armenian and Greek, send two bishops to render obedience to the pope (cf. Acta, vol. 32, fol. 63v). Armenian Patriarch Khachadour went personally to Rome in November 1666 (cf. footnote 432). The Greek Patriarch Macarios sent no delegate to Rome. To affirm this we have consulted all the acts of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith from 1647 to 1673 (one year after the death of Macarios) as well as the SOCG correspondents.

[436] We find in the Archives of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (Scritture non riferite dal 1662 a tutto il 1707, Maroniti, fol. 122r-123r) a “Copiah della lettera dell Ill.mo e Rev.mo Patriarcha de Greci all’Ill.mo e Rev.mo Patriarcha de Maroniti” from June 1638. This letter gives us a very exact idea on the situation of the Christians of Aleppo during the visit of Macarios to his native city beginning May 7, 1661. Cf. Acta, vol. 33, fol. 19r-20r.

[437] Scritture non referite, vol. cit., fol. 124r-125r (that of Armenian Patriarch Khachadour of June 4, 1663) and fol. 126r-127v (that of Syrian Patriarch Andrew Akhi-John of June 15, 1663).

[438] Ibid., fol. 122rv: “Macario per là Misericordia di Dio Patriarcha de Greci e del resto dell Levante al virtuoso fratello nostro là gloria di tutti i Patriarchi suoi simili (!) Giorgio Patriarca de Maroniti là santità della quale voglia Dio moltiplicare. … Essendo V.P. essendo (sic) dà longo tempo una stessa cosa con i franchi, essendo che V.P. et i suoi seguitano i Franchi nelle loro Feste, et altre cose, et i detti Religiosi Franchi havendo sempre gl’occhi aperti per dar soccorso, e far bene a’ Maroniti specialmente in Aleppo, e posso con verità dire che tutte a’altre nationi rispettavano là vostra per causa de detti Religiosi Franchi, i quali tutte quante le riguardavano come discepoli di Giesù Christo hora come V.P. stà una cosa con loro, come è possibile che Lei habbi dato fede alle parole di detti Ignoranti, e che Lei dà loro si sia separata, e che Lei addesso sij il soggetto d’una pace turbata frà tutti I christiani d’Aleppo…!”

[439] Cf. Acta, vol. 32, fol. 211v: “Vien rappresentato dal Procuratore de Carmelitani Scalzi, che nelle parti di Levante quegli Eretici di Europa, che vi sono, si uniscono in difesa de Cattolici, fanno loro delle limosine…” The political rivalry separated them but evangelical charity united them.

[440] “Il Procuratore delle Missioni de Carmelitani scalzi supplica di ordinare, che si stampe in questa stamperia il libro delle orationi in Arabo del Patriarca de Greci di Aleppo, ch’è esaminato, e visto da Abramo Ecchellense.” The rescript was “Nihil.” (Acta, vol. 33, fol. 198r). In June 1663 the Latin version of this Arabic Euchologion was already finished (cf. Acta, vol. 32, fol. 121r).

[441] This is the second letter that Macarios wrote to Rome after that of September 1661 addressed to Pope Alexander VII (cf., footnote 425). It was written in Arabic and signed by the Patriarch on December 14, 1663. It is found in SOCG, vol. 240, fol. 44v-45r. An Italian version of this letter is found in the same volume fol. 42rv. We attempt to give here a French version, the most literal possible, of which one should excuse the semiticisms.

[442] The original Arabic adds: “and continues all month long, the through the centuries and years” which we have omitted for simplicity.

[443] The original says: “by his strong right hand and preserve their kindness.”

[444] We find in the original text the Greek word “Apostoloi” written in Arabic: “Zaim arrousol al-apostolie.” It concerns an intentional repetition to underline the word “apostle.”

[445] Letter of Pope Alexander VII of July 22, 1662, perhaps signed also by the cardinals of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. Cf. footnote 425.

[446] It concerns the famous Sylvester of S. Aignan who was a missionary in the east since 1630. Cf. SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 107r-112v.

[447] This is Fr. John of Lyon who translated the same year (1663) from Latin into Arabic a resume of the councils from Nicea until Florence and title it: “Kitab al-Misbah allameh fi targamat il-Magameh.” We find a description of this manuscript of Deir esh-Shir (Lebanon) in Al-Maçarrat, 1923, p. 736.

[448] François Picquet arrived in Rome in May 1662 carrying the letter of Macarios with the 2 Arabic manuscripts of the Euchologion and Horologion. Cf. Acta, vol. 31, fol. 100r-101r.

[449] We see that there was a great difficulty between the oral message that Macarios had confided to Picquet and what he let Rome know. In fact the letter of Pope Alexander VII of July 22, 1662 affirms that Macarios recognized “Ecclesiam Romanam aliarum omnium Caput et Magistram” (cf. footnote 425.

[450] Macarios clearly shows his irrevocable intention to reconcile the two Churches, Eastern and Western. He professes the future union and not the present!

[451] Macarios found very normal that the priests of the Roman Church could frequent the Orthodox churches and instruct the Greek faithful. He even found it recommendable since he waited for it a long time.

[452] Same expression in Vatican II decree “Unitatis Redintegratio,” No. 18: “Sacrosanta Synodus sperat fore, ut sublato pariete occidentalem orientalemque Ecclesiam dividente, unica tandem fiat mansio angulari fermata lapide, Christo Jesu, qui faciet utraque unum” (cf. Council of Florence, session VI (1439), Definition “Laetentur Coeli,” in Mansi, vol. 31, col. 1026 E).

[453] Macarios sees himself integral with the separation of 1054 between Rome and Constantinople, even if no official bilateral excommunication exists between Rome and Antioch!

[454] This is the College of St. Athanasius of Rome, founded in 1576 by Pope Gregory XIII. Cf. Fr. De Meester, Le Collège Pontifical grec de Rome, Rome 1910. Compare with C. Tsourkas, Les débuts de l’enseignement philosophique et de la libre pensée dans les Balkans, Thessalonica 1967, p. 21. Z. Tsirpanlis, Le Collège Grec de Rome et ses élèves (1576-1700). Contribution à l’étude de la politque educative du Vatican, Thessalonica 1980. Around 1630 we find a Greek Melkite from Tripoli, Giovanni Elia, who completed 4 years of study in this college. But the Greek Melkites of the Patriarchate of Antioch began to frequent the College of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1640 after the foundation of the School of S. Honophrius. It is necessary to wait for the year 1743 to examine the question of sending the Greek Melkites to the Greek College, after it was discovered that they had the same rite as the Greeks! Cf. SC, Greci Melchiti, Miscellanea, vol. IV, A. 3, art. XIV of “Ristretto delli Dubij da esaminarsi nella Congregazione Particolare de Propaganda Fide deputata dalla Santità di N.S. Papa Benedetto XIV intorno alle materie de’Greci melchiti.”

[455] Macarios makes a distinction between the head of the Holy Church who is Christ and the head of the Roman Church, the pope.

[456] Successor to Picquet of Aleppo since the end of 1661.

[457] This is the chalice requested by Carmelite Jerome of St. Therese when he went to Rome in April 1663 (cf. Acta, vol. 32, fol. 63r-64r).

[458] The Euchologion and Horologion, See footnote 448.

[459] The letter bears the traditional signature of the Patriarchs of Antioch, in imposing Greek letters and difficultly comprehensible.

[460] In fact this was the vicar of the Carmelites of Aleppo, François of the Passion, who sent this letter to Rome with another of the Syrian Patriarch Akhi-John dated March 4, 1664, three others of Syrian Archbishop Behennam dated April 3, 1664 and the profession of faith of these prelates. Cf. Acta, vol. 33, fol. 203r-205r; SOCG, vol. 240, fol. 38v-53r. Compare with Acta, vol. 34, fol. 3v.

[461] After Korolevsky (DHGE, III, col. 643), many have affirmed that Macarios sent his profession of Catholic faith to Rome, carried by two bishops or two priests (cf. Musset, II, p. 163; F. Taoutel, Contribution à l’histoire d’Alep, I, Beirut 1958, p. 35; Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, p. 138). What is excluded definitely is that this delegation of Macarios never existed. It was Carmelite Father François of the Passion who was charged to send to Rome the letter of Macarios of December 14, 1663 with those of the Syrian prelates (SOCG, vol. 240, fol. 50r and 41v). What remains ambiguous is Macarios’ profession of faith. On August 2, 1664, Capuchin Sylvester of St. Aignan wrote to M. Gazil, superior of foreign missions: “Fr. Jerome, Carmelite, sent to Alexander VII to obtain the confirmation of Andrew, carried a formula of profession of faith to have it translated into Syriac, Arabic and Armenian, and to have it signed the three whom you know (i.e. Syrian, Greek and Armenian patriarchs), and that they had made voluntarily and have constituted Fr. Jerome their procurer to the pope (rather Fr. François of the Passion).” Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 467. This account agrees with the “copy of profession of faith” that the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith said to have received. But neither the letter of Macarios nor the four letters of the Syrian prelates mention the existence of such a profession, while the Syrian Patriarch clearly wrote: “Mando all’Eminenze Vostre la mia professione di fede, et il giuramento di fedeltà, insieme con la professione di fede del mio fratello Arcivescovo, quale fecce nelle mie mani. Et ambidue habbiamo sodisfatto à questi nostri obblighi innanzi al Santissimo Sacramento in presenza de PP. Missionarij Carmelatani Scalzi, e Capuccini” (SOCG, vol. 24, fol. 48v-49r). Meanwhile the pro-secretary of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Antonio Manfroni, notes on the back of Macarios’ letter: “Lettera del patriarca de’Greci in Aleppo scrive d’haver fatta la sua professione della fede, e ne manda Copia.” Thus there are two different things: a letter and a copy of the profession of faith (cf. Ibid., fol. 46r). All this leads us to say that Macarios secretly signed the formula carried by Carmelite Jerome at the beginning of 1664. This formula had been prepared in 1633 (cf. Acta, vol. 8, fol. 235v) and signed among others by the Patriarchs of Constantinople Athanasios Patellaros and Cyril of Berrhea in 1635 (cf. Acta, vol. 10, fol. 347r and 348r).

[462] Acta, vol. 34, fol. 3v; SOCG, vol. 240, fol. 46r: “Monsignor Macario Patriarca de Greci in Aleppo scrive d’haver fatta la sua Professione delle fede e ne manda copia. Dà parte de travagli, ne quali si trova insieme con i greci per l’impositioni e gravezze, che patiscono, e supplica d’esser sovvenuto. Commenda la pietà del Console Barone per haverli aiutato con le sue carità e finalmente ringratia del Calice mandatogli dalla S. Congregatione.”

[463] The letter on which is written the summary of Macarios’ letter bears these words: “19 Jan. 1665. Ad S. officium Manfronus Prosecretarius” (Ibid., fol. 47v). What corresponds to the rescript of the Congregation meeting 91 of the same date (Acta, loc. cit.). Korolevsky wrote (DHGE, III, col. 643): “this profession was given back to the Holy Office: the absolute secrecy which surrounds this Congregation, even for purely historical matters, does not allow us to know the continuation of what was given to this approach.” In 1970 we presented on our behalf an official request to this Congregation. No response was given to us! Perhaps the not so comprehensible signature of Macarios remains difficult to identify, if however the profession of faith exists! In 1670 Capuchin Joseph Antoine Romano, missionary in Georgia, made this request to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith: “che le sia mandato l’originale o copia della Professione della fede, che il Patriarca d’Antiochia mando anni sono al”EE.VV. per poter rendere capaci in Principi della Giorgia, e li Vescovi, che non sono cosi ostianti come gl’Armeni.” The Congregation meeting of May 30, 1672 wrote this rescript: “Annuerunt” (Acta, vol. 42, fol. 127v-128r). It is certainly a matter of the ordinary formula imposed on Eastern bishops who unite with Rome. This text shows that the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith was convinced that Macarios had made the profession of faith!

[464] “Arrivo in Roma li giorni passati (November 1666) Monsignor Kacciatur Patriarca degl’Armeni in Aleppo con un figliolo, due Npoti, et un Perte, che gli serve d’interprete, e si trattienne à S. Maria Eglittiaca… La cagione della sua venuta dice esser satat per prestare personalmente obedienza à S. Santità, il che havena di già fatto l’anno passato con la professione della fede che trasmise, mà essendosi questa trasmessa al S. Offitio, vi hanno i Qualificatori notato alcune parole in margine, che pero se gli farà far di nuovo conforme alla solita formola de I Vescovi Orientali” (Acta, vol. 35, fol. 320rv).

[465] Cf. P. Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Siège, IV, Paris 1907, p. 42. Patriarch of Constantinople, Dionysios III, who feared traveling to Moscow in order not to have the same fate as Parthenios III who was hung on March 24, 1657, sent Macarios as his representative. Present also were Ananias, Archbishop of Mount Sinai (cf. De la Croix, Etat présent des nations, Paris 1695, pp. 120-122) and Paisos Ligarides, Archbishop of Gaza (cf. P. Pierling, op. cit., pp. 42-48; C. Tsourkas, op. cit., p. 146; SOCG, vol. 442, fol. 233r; Arch. Prop., Congr. Part. 1667 etc., vol. 21, fol. 143r-144v). On the subject of this synod see Rustum, pp. 59-60.

[466] A letter of Capuchin Charles-Marie de S. Marino, missionary in Georgia, informed the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1665 “che i Giorgiani osservano il Rito Greco scismatico in lingua Giorgiana, e professano tutti gl’errori de Greci, riconoscendo per loro superiore immediato il Patriarca di Antiochia secondo i canoni del Concilio Niceno” (Acta, vol. 34, fol. 250v-251r). Note that the Council of Nicea did not clarify the area of the territory of Antioch. It was only around the end of the 5th century that the new ecclesiastical organization, undertaken under King Vachtang, imposed on the Catholicos of Georgia to receive his chirotonia (ordination) at Antioch (cf. article “Georgia,” in Enciclopedia Cattolica, 6 (1951) 65). Besides the baptisms that he administered to many Georgians, Macarios inspired there a great sympathy toward the Roman Church. Thus the secretary of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Jerome Casanate, referred the matter on November 28, 1667: “Monsignor Arcivescovo d’Iscanio in Giorgia di Rito Greco, il quale d’ordine do N. Signore (pope) è trattenuto da alcune settimane in questo Collegio, hà fatto la Professione Cattolica avanti il Signor Cardinal Barberino, et io ho havuto ordine d’introdurlo da S. Santità. Dovendo egli pertanto partire di ritorno in Giorogia, sicome egli desidea di fare quanto prima, rappresenta all’EE. VV. che per mantenerlo ben’affetto alla Chiesa Romana e perche possa difendere i Missionarij della S. Congregatione dalla persecutione de’ Vescovi Scismatici, converrebbe di dargli qualche dimonstratione, benche’egli non domandi sè non qualche cosa di devotione, et i seguenti libri per sua instruttione…” (Acta, vol. 36, fol. 245rv). And in 1670 the missionaries in Georgia hoped: “che quel Regno alla morte d’un certo tiranno Patriarca, che và ricinoscendo il Patriarca d’Antiochia, sendo del rito Greco, sia per farsi tutto cattolico. Che pero supplica (Fr. Joseph Antoine Romano) le sia mandato l’originale o copia della Professione della fede, che il Patriarca d’Antiochia mando anni sono all’ EE. VV. per poter rendere capaci i Principi della Giorgia, e li Vescovi, che non sono cosi ostinati come gl’Armeni” (Acta, vol. 43, fol. 127v). Even Capuchin Sylvester of St. Aignan was convinced that “il Patriarca delli greci è andato in Giorgia ove con la sua prudentia e zelo catolico và confermando appresso quei popoli il bene principiato dalli nostri missionarij (= Capuchins)” (SOCG, vol. 240, fol. 59r). Moreover, French Consul of Aleppo Baron wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1666: “Quello (= Patriarch Macarios III Zaim) dei Greci era andato in Giorgia, dove havera operato molti beni” (Acta, vol. 35, fol 320v). “The History of the Conversion of the Georgians to Christianity” (Vat. Arab. No. 689) written by Macarios on his return from Georgia in 1669, was published by O. Lebedev (Rome 1905). On the subject of the travels of Macarios in Georgia see Le Quien, II, col. 774; T. Jordania, Chronicles (in Georgian), II, Tiflis 1893, p. 482. Concerning the “catholicizing” influence of Macarios in Georgia, see EO 27 (1928) 77; Musset, II, p. 163; Rustum, p. 60 where we find the titles used by Macarios of Antioch: “Patriarch of Antioch, of the Syrian countries and all the Georgian and eastern regions”!

[467] Cf. P. Pierling, op. cit., pp. 40-48; Arch. Prop. Congr. Part. 1667 etc… vol. 21, fol. 139v-140v. It is the Nuncio of Poland Pignatelli (future Pope Innocent XII) who wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in 1668: “Mi dicono d’avantaggio i sudetti Ambasciatori (= Stanislas Beniewski and Cyprian Brestowski, both Polish), che quand’ essi s’abboccaraono con l’accennati Patriarchi ( = Macarios of Antioch and Paisios of Alexandria) d’esser stati da medesimi pregati à voler ricavar dal Rè (= John Casimir) qualche dichiaratione per lettera se voglia esser mediatore presso la Sede d’Apostolica, accio da essa siano ricevuti all’Unione della Santa Romana Chiesa.” Pignatelli also does not believe it! (Ibid., fol. 141v). Cf. also Acta, vol. 43, fol. 315r-317r; Korolevsky, Manuel d’Histoire Russe, Paris, 1948, pp. 161-180.

[468] The orthodox confession of Moghila, corrected in 1642 by Syrigos, remained “more than twenty years buried in the archives of the Patriarchate” of Constantinople and was not seen until 1667 at Amsterdam. It was the famous Panagiotis who printed it with the signatures of the four eastern patriarchs, Parthenios of Constantinople, Joannicos of Alexandria, Macarios of Antioch and Paisios of Jerusalem with the date of March 11, 1643. It was this date that several authors kept for the signature of the four patriarchs (cf. Malvy-Viller, La Confession orthodoxe de Pierre Moghila, OC, 10 (1927) p. LXII; Jugie, in his article “Moghila” in DThC; T. Ionesco, La vie et l’ouevre de Pierre Movila, Paris 1944, p. 173; B. Schultz, article “Moghila” in Enciclopedia cattolica, 8 (1952) 1206-1207; J. Karmiris in ERM, 8 (1966) 1240-1242). Others place the approbation of Patriarch Macarios on March 13, 1663 (cf. Grumel, EO 27 (1928) 77; H. Zayat, Al-Machreq, 30 (1932) 884; Musset, II, p. 163). We have shown above that the approbation of Macarios of Antioch could not have taken place in 1643 (cf. above Chapter IV, footnote 340). Moreover, on March 13, 1663 Macarios did not participate in any synod of Constantinople since he was then in Aleppo (see footnotes 437 and 441), and no historical witness shows us that a copy of the Confession of Moghila was given to him to sign! The letter of the Ambassador of Nointel of September 29, 1671 to the Port Royalists gives some explanations on the signers of the approbation of this confession. Macarios of Antioch is not mentioned here; Parthenios of Constantinople is Parthenios the Younger, raised to the patriarchate in 1644 (cf. Malvy-Viller, op. cit. pp. LXXVII-LXXVIII) and not Parthenios the Elder (July 1, 1639- before September 8, 1644); cf. Grumel, Chronolgie, p. 438)! Panagiotis compiled the names of the eastern patriarchs well known in the west without realizing if they were contemporary of if they were patriarchs in 1643!

[469] Cf. The testimony of Jesuit Nau in Rustum (p. 98). In 1670 Capuchin John Baptist of St. Aignan praised the patriarch of the Greeks (Acta, vol. 39, fol. 104v). On August 3, 1671, the account of Carmelite Joseph Ange di Gesu Maria, missionary in Aleppo, was read at the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith: “I Patriarchi delle tre nationi, greca, armena, e maronita, i quali si stendono in Aleppo sono cattolico. I primi due secretamente ne han fatto la professione; l’ultimo con publicità la professa” (Acta, vol. 41, fol. 253v). Macarios, with his clergy of Aleppo, was even present at the funeral of the famous missionary Sylvester of St. Aignan (Ibid., fol. 28rv).

[470] Cf. Le Quien, II, col. 773 where two anti-Calvinist witnesses of Macarios are mentioned, from October 20 and December 19, 1671 (citing the book of la Perpétuité of the Port-Royalists). Aymon (op. cit., pp. 457-497) cites the orthodox witness of Macarios of October 20, November 15 and December 5, 1671, by treating it because of this “ignorant and extravagant.” Rustum (pp. 67-74 gives the original Arabic text of the two witnesses, written and pointed out by Macarios on October 20 and November 15, 1671. Cf. also A. Rabbath in Al-Machreq 1907, pp. 766-773 and 795-802.

[471] Cf. Rustum, p. 74; C. Papadopoulos, Dositheos in Nea Sion 1907, pp. 97- 168. Rustum (pp. 75-96) gives the Arabic version of the confession of faith of Dositheos. Cf. the Greek text in Kimmel, I, pp. 325-488.

[472] Cf. Rustum, p. 103. Euthymios II Karmeh and Macarios III Zaim were metropolitans of Aleppo, Patriarchs of Antioch and victims of their philo-Roman tendencies. See above Chapter III. The grandson of Macarios, the future Patriarch Cyril V Zaim (1682-1720), wrote to Pope Clement XI on August 20, 1716 on the subject of the philo-Roman tendencies of his grandfather who wanted to go to Rome after his return from Russia in 1669 to “establish charity and peace,” but he feared being considered “Frank” by the Greeks and did not go (Rustum, pp. 120-123).

[473] Cf. “Antioch,” DHGE III, col. 643-650; De Vries, pp. 88-91; Rustum, pp. 103-151; Musset, II, pp. 164-181; Nasrallah, S. B. Maximos IV et la succession apostolique du siege d’Antioche, Paris 1963, pp. 36-90; compare with: SC, Greci Melchiti, Miscellanea “causa de’Greci Melchiti 1743,” fol. 2v-16v where we find the “serie storica delle perturbazioni occorse nel Patriarcato Antiocheno de’Greci.”

[474] Cf. SOCG, vol. 24r and 28v: “Positione per far tre collegietti” of March 16, 1648. For the foundation of these three colleges he gives the following reasons: “perche questi giovani ben addottrinati farebbero più frutto colle loro nationi, che ne fanno li missionarij forestieri, da quali subito pensano esser ingannati, e con difficoltà, e con avversione vengono sentiti… Delli giovani in detti collegietti si potrà far scielta di soggetti di miglior ingegno, e questi istrutti nella lingua latina mandarli agl’Alunnati del Signor Car. Di S. Honofrio… Quanto alli collegietti, si potrà far la prova per adesso in 3 città cioè in Aleppo in Diarbecher et in Aspahan Città grandissime e di popoli diversi” (cf. also in the same volume, fol. 494r and 503v). The instruction of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in the year 1659 reflects the ideas of Ingoli. Cf. Collectanea, I, p. 43.

[475] Besson, p. 72 (cf. the Italian translation of 1662, p. 59). Besson adds to page 157: “of 1000 students we have formed in our school of Damascus and who are today (in 1660) the flower of Christina youth, not perverted, although the attacks are strong and the persecutions very violent.” (Compare with the translation of Anturini, p. 125).

[476] Cf. above Chapter IV: “Beginning of the Roman crusade.” See especially De Vries, p. 320. A rich bibliography is found here. Note this perspicacious consideration of the author: “Sehr bezeichnend ist es, dass die Missionare in den Schulen, die sie gründeten, auch in den einfachen Elementarschulen, der Jugend sofort die lateinsche Sprache beibrachten. Das war für sie also ein notwendiges Mittel, um an das echte Christentum, das lateinische, heranzukommen.”

[477] Soon the translation of G. Anturini saw the day. It bears a very long title: “Soria Santa overo racconto breve di varij avvenimenti curiosi, e pij accaduti da pochi anni in quà in Soria, specialmente in Aleppo, Damasco, Sidone, Tripoli, e Monte Libano.” We find several variants here. The Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith was not current on these publications until the moment when they received the accusations of other missionaries against the writings of the Jesuit Fathers who attributed to themselves all the glory of the conversions in the east. Cf. Congregation meeting of March 14, 1672 and that of September 23, 1673. Once cannot deny that the Jesuits were particularly instrumental in the conversion of the Syrians and Armenians of Aleppo (Cf. Acta, vol. 43, fol. 326r-327v). Thus the entire part concerning the Greeks in the book of Besson remains worthy of faith.

[478] Sylvester of St. Aignan wrote from Aleppo on May 22, 1651: “gli Patriarchi delli Syriani et Armeni sono molto ignoranti e vilani. Gli patriarchi delli greci sono piu litterati, benche tutta la scienza loro consista nel legere e scriver, son piu cortesi e polliti che tutti gli altri. Quanto al frutto che si po far tra lorj, dico a S.S. Em.ma che delli greci pochi si convertino, perche hanno paura delli Vescovi loro lequali subito che sanno che qualch’uno si è fatto catholico lo minacciano della excommunicata et accusanlo alla giutitia Turchesca e percio non ardiscono di farsi catholici. Con tutto cio ve ne sono qualch’uni” (SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 108r). Two years later, Jesuit Nicolas Poiresson gave an account to Fr. François Annat, Provincial of the Province of France, in which he wrote: “The Greek heretics remain. Although in the past more contrary to the Franks, nevertheless under a metropolitan (metropolitan who succeeded Zaim on November 21, 1647: cf. Radu, pp. 55 and 63-64) more affectionate who speak of the pope with honor, without however declaring himself Catholic, there are some converted this year (= 1652).” Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 56.

[479] Cf. J. Hajjar, Les Chrétiens Uniates du Proche-Orient, Paris 1962, pp. 222-223; G. Goyau, François Picquet, Consul de Louis XIV en Alep, Geuthner 1942. On June 29, 1656, Piquet succeeded to make Akhi-John bishop of the Syrians of Aleppo by the Maronite patriarch (Rabbath, I, pp. 94-96 and 453-454). Cf. also V. Cerri, Etat present de l’Eglise Romaine dans toutes les parties du monde, Amsterdam 1716, p. 153.

[480] On June 11, 1656, Carmelite Joseph of Santa Maria, missionary in Aleppo, wrote to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith to manifest the affection that the Christians of Aleppo had toward his confrere, Fr. Bruno of Sant’Yvone. Even the Greek metropolitan and his clergy wanted to keep this Carmelite in Aleppo by affirming: “il Padre Bruno insegnava la purità dell’evangelio alle sue genti” (SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 149rv). On this occasion Fr. Joseph made this judgment on the city of Aleppo: “D’Aleppo accenno in compendio quanto passa, perche quivi è il fior delle missioni per la varietà, è moltitudine grande de popoli, che vi si trovano, essendo per voce commune delle prime città di tutta l’Asia senza eccetione veruna” (Ibid., fol. 176r). In this era Aleppo counted more than 15 thousand Greek Melkites. Concerning the discussions between the missionaries and Greeks there, see Acta, vol 29, fol. 307v-309r. In 1660 the Syrian Archbishop of Aleppo Akhi-John had a discussion with the clergy of Aleppo on the incarnation. After this discussion remained “solo due sacerdoti Soriani, due altri Armeni e tutti li Greci, li quali di accordo confessarono, che l’Arcivescovo havera riportata la vittoria contro gli heretici, con che dice (Consul Picquet) restar quelle nationi con altro concetto di quell, che havevano prima della fede cattolica” (Ibid., fol. 308r); compare with Rabbath I, pp. 453-454. “We recognize here the truthfulness of the Catholic doctrine on the incarnation and the qadi himself, by an official piece, established this victory of the archbishop!” (Musset, II, p. 222). Note that the qadi was Muslim.

[481] Cf. above footnote 413; Rustum, p. 99. The missionaries with Consul Picquet assisted the Christians of Aleppo very much during the persecutions. The effect of this evangelical charity was translated by the letters of thanks sent to the pope and King of France (see above footnotes 415 and 420). Cf. also Arch. Prop., Scritture non riferite dal 1622 a tutto 1707, Maroniti, fol. 122rv.

[482] Cf. above footnotes 426 and 427. In fact Macarios was accompanied by the clergy of Aleppo and by a “large group of the people” (Rabbath, I, p. 466).

[483] Cf. above the letter of Macarios to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith of December 14, 1663. Macarios himself knew about it and approved it.

[484] Letters of November 29, 1663 and February 15, 1663 to the King of France, and those of September 30, 1661 and December 14, 1663 to Rome. (Cf. Rabbath, I, pp. 473-476; Al-Machreq, 30 (1932), P. 882; EO, 27 (1928), p. 75).

[485] The missionaries of Aleppo had expressed this recommendation: “to prevent that he may speak in any public memory of the letters of these patriarch (=Greek and Armenian) and of their reunion to the Holt See” (Rabbath, I, p. 476.

[486] Cf. Acta, vol. 31, fol. 152rv; vol. 33, fol. 198r; vol. 37, fol. 94r-95r. In 1668 the superiors of the missions of Aleppo, Jesuit Nicolas Poirresson, Capuchin Sylvester of St. Aignan and Carmelite Anselm of the Annunciation wrote two letters on this subject, one to the pope and the other to the Cardinals of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith: “Postulamus ad ieusdem fidei tuitionem et amplificatonem non parum profuturum in primis vero ut typis mandentur incunctanter imperio suo (= of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith) et sacri senatus cura precatorii libri duo, Patriarchae Graecorum Antiocheni quos Romam ante plures annos et misit et excudendos epistola (= that of Pope Alexander VII of July 22, 1662) illinc allata accepit; favet enim ille ipse ac graecus populus prope universus rei catholicae in dies magis eoque beneficio Sanctae Sedis obstrictior facta ecclesia graeca, Romanae eiusque Capiti auscultebit proclivius…” (SOCG, vol. 40, 240, fol. 196r). The second: “Ecclesia Roamana, qua Divino iure Universalis toto orbe exporrigi debet, reapse ubique floreat et late dominetur. Aget et ipse quo mandetur executioni gratia repromissa Graecorum Patriarchae Antiocheno, do excludendo typis uno et altro volumine ecclesiasticarum precum, ut si necdum opus inchoatum, aut si coeptum non perfectum usque est, adlaboretur hoc studiosus quod iam quinque anni (rather six years) current exquibus libri Romam transmissi, pauciores quidem ex quibus rescriptum illinc est, annuendum petitionis eius, qui primariae dignitatis inter Patriarchas Orientis, haud parum Sanctae Sedis devotus Venerationi, non videatur contemnendus quin imo eo pluris faciendus quo amplius profuturus aut obfuturus ortodoxis in quamcumque partem, aequus aut iniquus inclinaverti” (Ibid., fol. 190v). But it was necessary to wait until 1885 for the Arabic Great Euchologion of the Greek Catholics to appear (Jerusalem 1885). Cf. Nasrallah, Notes et Documents, pp. 132-135.

[487] On July 26, 1664, Franciscan Lamberto Benedetto wrote a letter addressed to the pope: “Non potui Ego celare diutius Sancititatem Vestram, quin me incredibilis dolor urat, quod Maronita quidam bigamus, supersite altera uxore, eaque thori consorte, consecratus sit in Sacerdotem, dataque ipsi a Patriarcha suo Missae coram celebrandae facultas. Sic enim Maronitarum gens, prius venerationi habita ob catholicae Romanae fidei sinceritatem, iam probro est omnibus plane nationibus, indeque ab hereticis blasphemandi in Romanam Sedem, quasi licentiate huiusmodi suffragatricem ansa sumitur, impediturque non mediocriter tam gravi scandalo fidei propagatio” (SOCG, vol. 20, 240, fol. 35r; cf. also the letter of the Maronites of Aleppo to pope on November 24, 1664, Ibid., fol. 110rv). The Greeks told the Latin missionaries: “You are of the same race (Fard chi) as the Maronites who have repealed the law and who are included among the Nestorians”! Concerning the Maronites of Roman Rite, see G. Anturini, Soria Santa, Rome 1662, p. 158.

[488] In 1671, Carmelite Joseph Ange di Giesù Maria informed the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith that at Aleppo the Greek were “per lo più scismatici.” On April 23, 1672 the Greek Archpriest Michael made his profession of Catholic faith (Rabbath, I, p. 87).

[489] Cf. Rabbath, I, p. 402; Besson, p. 72” “These past years we are very old, said (=before 1659) Jerasimos (=Gerasimos of Furzol, cf. Radu, p. 68), archbishop, patriarchal vicar (during patriarch’s absence in Moscow: 1652-1659), to take a new tincture; but instruct our youth who are given into your arms, capable of all good things and will be a seminary of perfect Christians. Words that he will say before these same youth, to animate them to use what they possess with advantage.”

[490] Cf. DHGE, 16 (1967), col. 64-65; H. De Barenton, La France catholique en Orient durant les tois derniers siècle, d’après des documents inédits, Paris 1902, p. 152; C. Bacha, History of the Greek Melkites (Arabic), I, Saida 1938, pp. 105-106. On the innovations of Saifi, see P. Bacel, Les innovations liturgiques chez les Grecs Melchites au XVIII siècle, in EO, 9 (1906) 5-10.

[491] Rustum, p. 46; Besson, p. 68; SOCG, vol. 187, fol. 346v. Before accession to the patriarchate he was Bishop of Hama (cf. “Antioche,” in DHGE, col. 643).

[492] ”Che sendo stato in Damasco trovato un Greco à celebrare fù cagione del Vino (prohibited in Syria since June 1671) ucciso all’Altare con tale spavento de Sacerdoti che sono ridotti à dire la messa la note dentro i luoghi segreti” (Acta, vol. 42, fol. 42v). Cf. H. Zayat, The Greek Melkites in Islam (Arabic), Harissa 1953, pp. 75-76.

[493] Radu, p. 58. Amieu wrote on this occasion: “The patriarch of the Greeks visited Sayde (= Saida) and was seen with good eyes, and he preached clearly that it is necessary to love the Roman Catholics as brothers, and not to avoid them: this made a great change for the Greeks of Seyde” (Rabbath, I, p. 402).

[494] Jesuit G. Rigault, missionary of Saida, gave this account in 1652: “I must say some things about the Greeks, who are those who most frequented me. I have gained them and made friends, not only by caresses and civility with those I received, but also by the means of mathematical instruments such as globes, spheres, maps, triangular glasses, of which they are interested. They come to me ordinarily to see the feast days and Sunday, bringing me also all those who come again to this city from Beirut, Tripoli and Damascus. I give them Christian instruction of the duties that most ignore.

The bishop (= Jeremiah), being sick, appealed to me, witnessed a great confidence I me, protesting that my faith was theirs and gave me the subject of belief that he was Catholic in his heart. I did good to assist him with a French chirurgien of sorts that he would return to good health” (Rabbath, I, pp. 61-62). Besson (p. 160) added in 1660: :This Catholic prelate opened his church and his heart to us very voluntarily… and testifies well to us of the affection he received, even in his pulpit, those we bring to him; as if our only affection was a just approbation.” In 1670 It was know in Rome the Greek Metropolitan of Saida (who died in 1682) “si professa cattolico, confessando publicamente il Primato della Chiesa Romana” (Acta, vol. 39, fol. 77v).

[495] Cf. SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 243rv, 248r, 278rv, s80r-288r. “Detti cappuccini (of Saida) non contenti di osservare dalli PP. Gesuiti, et Carmelitani Scalzi missionarij similmente deputati da questa S. Congr.ne, hanno procurato da principio rendersi Parochi assoluti, et independenti non solo dal Guardiano predetto (of Jerusalem), ma etiamedio da questa S. Cong.ne e dalla Sede Apostolica con scandalo grandissimo di quelli orientali…” (Ibid., fol. 297r).

[496] Cf. Acta, vol. 29, fol. 37r. It concerns Karam Deham (or Dahhan!) from the city of Beirut “christiano cattolico del rito Greco” who asked for letters of recommendation for the Grand Duke of Genes and the Grand Master of Malta, in order to recuperate his goods taken by the pirates of Livourne and of Malta.

[497] Cf. Acta, vol. 36, fol. 34v; vol. 37, fol. 35rx; vol. 42, fol. 191v-192r and 311v-312r.

[498] At the time of his visit to Tripoli in 1648-1649, Macarios exhorted the Greeks not to avoid the missionaries who should be loved as brothers (Rabbath, I, p. 402). Fr. Amieu went often to Kannoubin “to maintiain the affection of this prelate” (Ibid., pp. 68-69). Cf. Besson, pp. 93 and 151. Sometimes the Jesuit fathers preached to the Greeks of Tripoli but only “in the episcopal courtyard” or in a Maronite chapel hollowed out of a rock.

[499] Cf. “Hayat wa ’Amal” (Revue de l’Ordre Basilien Alépin), 11 (1949) 25-30. It is true that most of the Greeks were Aleppians, but the presence of the missionaries in Tripoli was for them a great profit for theological formation.

[500] Latin Bishop Dovara, designated for Aleppo in 1645, resigned five years later. The Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith never accepted his resignation and named no one in his place despite the multitude of candidates (cf. SOCG, vol. 197, fol. 43r-52r, 90r, 105r, 128r, 146r-159r; Acta, vol. 20, fol. 82r). In 1670, Capuchin John Baptist of St. Aignan wrote on the subject of the necessity of creating a bishop in Syria, “attestando che gl’istessi Patrirchi, e Vescovi Scismatici concepirebbero maggior stima de missionarij, e più facilmente si ridurrebbero al grembo della Chiesa” (Acta, vol. 39, fol. 104v-105r). After being informed besides by Picquet, the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith was content to respond that the bishop of Baghdad-Babylon could supply for want of a bishop in Syria (Acta, vol. 41, fol. 26v-27v). In the particular Congregation meetings of July 19 and August 4, the necessity and usefulness of creating Latin bishops was discussed, especially throughout the world and among others at Aleppo: “questa moltiplicatione de Vescovi per ragione dell’Apostolato cioè per mandarli ne’luoghi, e Paesi del’Erectici, et Infedeli non solo hora non è superflo, mà necessario, onde percio la Sede Apostolica (of Rome) è solita quando non vuol far nuova institutione de mandar i Vicarij Apostolici con carattere Episcopale dandogli il titolo di Chiesa occupata de Scismatici, o pure affatto estinta…” (cf. Cong. Part. 1667, vol. 21, fol. 215r-224r). It was only in 1762 that a Latin Apostolic Vicar was found in Aleppo.

[501] Cf. Acta, vol. 32, fil. 41r-44r; Rabbath, I, pp. 252-454 and 456. The new Syrian Catholic Patriarch received an annual stipend from Rome. On December 16, 1664, “il Procuratore delle Missioni de Carmelitani scalzi supplica di ordinare che se gli paghi anticipata la provisione di Monsignor Patriarca de Soriani in Aleppo cominciato di Novembre passato per sovvenirlo ne bisogni, ne quali si ritrova per le persecutioni patite dagli Heretici tanto maggiormente per esservi l’occasione del Vicario de Carmelitani Scalzi d’Aleppo (= François of the Passion), che deve in breve ritornarvi.” The Rescript was: “S. Congregatio annuit” (Acta, vol. 33, fol. 198v).

[502] “In 1627, Capuchin Sylvester of St. Aignan was sent as a representative to Paris to collect the sum of twelve thousand ecrus, from which to buy the government of Mount Lebanon, to form a Christian state and protect the Maronites and those who professed the religion of the Franks” (J. Hajjar, Les chrétiens Uniates du Proche-Orient, Paris 1962, p. 223; also see pp. 225-226). On November 17, 1664, Carmelite Jean-Pierre of the Mother of God, vicar of the discalced Carmelites in Aleppo, asked the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith for letter of recommendation to go collect money from the Duchess of Aiguillon (Acta, vol. 33, fol. 175v). After a year of collecting they had four thousand ecrus (Acta, vol. 35, fol. 33r).

[503] “E capitata una lettera di Fr. Lamberto Guardiano de Minori osservanti d’Aleppo, e commissario di Terra Santa in Soria, nella quale disapprova molto il propagare, e mantenere la Religione cattolica nel Dominio del Turco nel modo, ch’essi (= the missionaries of Aleppo) han tenuto, cioè à forze di denari, e di violenza contro le persone delli stessi heretici, portando seco questi mezzi grandissimi incommodi, e dando occasione di continue avanie contro i Christiani. Aggiunge… che li detti Missionarij per far denari sono asttetti à pigliarli dalli Hebrei à rigorissima usura, che in due o tre anni agguglia il capitale, e procurano di trovarli in altri modi, li quali saputisi dagli Heretici facilmente credono che le cose della Religione si trattino per mezzo di denari… che avanti s’intraprendesse questa strada de Missionarij, benche il profitto nella conversione dell’anime fosse minore, era pero più sicuro, perche non havevano alcuna speranza di mercede, o altra cosa.” (Acta, vol. 33, fol. 204rv). One year later (February 22, 1663), the secretary of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Mario Alberici, also disapproved these new methods of the missionaries and the French Consul, but the French Consuls wanted to quickly see the fruit of their work in the east and gave a deaf ear to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith!

[504] Cf. SC, Greci Melchiti, Miscellanea “Causa de Greci Melchiti 1743,” fol. 35v-38v; Rustum, pp. 141-142; J. Hajjar, Nouvelle Histoire de l’Eglise, Paris 1966, p. 247.

[505] Of course in the missions of the Levant, it is necessary to aspire particularly to return the bishops to obedience to the Holy See” (Besson, p. 55). Some French ambassadors in the east thought on the contrary “the question of the supremacy of the pope by which the missionaries began must be reserved perhaps for the latter, or at least to be treated with great delicacy” (B. Homsy, Les capitulations et la protection des chrétiens au Proche-Orient aux XVI, XVII et XVIII siècles, Harissa 1956, p. 317). What concerns the new profession of faith imposed on the Greeks and their latinization, see: Acta, vol. 37, fol. 5r; Collectanea, I, p. 52; De Vries, p. 319: “Die lateinischen Ordensleute kamen mit einem starken Ueberlegensheitsbewussein in den Osten und waren geneigt, bei den Orientalen überall Irrtümer und Missbräuche zu entdecken. Bei dieser Einstellung ist es kein Wunder, dass sie einfach ihre lateinische Geistigkeit den Orientalen als das einzig Richtige aufdrangten.”

[506] What concerns the attitude of the Greeks of Antioch in comparison with the activities of the missionaries, we could have from this period the most eloquent testimony of Patriarch Macarios III Zaim in his letter to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith of December 14, 1663 (cf. above pp. 153-159 our version of this letter).

[507] “Sacrosancta Synodus omnes quidem, sed praesertim eos exhortatur qui in instaurationem plenae communionis optatae inter Ecclesias orientales et Ecclesiam catholicam incumbere intendunt, ut debitam considerationem habeant de hac peculiari condicione nascentium crescentiumque Ecclesiarum Orientis et de indole relationum, quae inter eas et Sedem Romanam ante separationem vigebant atque rectam de his omnibus existimationem sibi efforment. Haec accurate servata ad dialogum intentum summopere conferent” (Unitatis Redintegratio, No. 14). Although the formal separation between Rome and Constantinople had been sanctioned since 1054, that with the Orthodox Church of Antioch was not totally consummated until 1724 (cf. De Vries, Rom und die Patriarchate des Ostens, Freiburg 1963, pp. 88-89, where we find different hypotheses on this subject). This is why our study could stand before this total sorrowful separation.

[508] Cf. E. Lanne, article “Chiese Orientali cattoliche,” in Dizionario del Concilio Ecumenico Vaticano II, Rome 1969, col. 835: “gli Orientali cattolici sono degni dunque d’ogni rispetto, perchè essi per fedeltà duplice, sia alla comunione romana sia alle avite tradizioni orientali, hanno avuto da soffrire dell’incomprensione di entrambe le parti: latini ed Orthodossi. In seno alla comunione romana, la loro situazione rimane paradossale.” Also see C.J.Dumont, Le future Concile general des Eglises Orthodoxes: attente et espoirs de l’Eglise catholique-romaine, in Documents “Omnis Terra,” November 1969, pp. 29-37.

[509] It is sufficient to scan Mansi, vol. 46 and vol. 37 to realize it. Cf. for example, vol. 46, col. 387-389; 493-508; 915-950; 1181-1184 etc.; Cf. also Collectio Lacensis, II, 555-557.

[510] Cf. N. Nissiotis, Qu’est-ce qui nous sépare encore de l’Eglise Catholique romaine? La réponse d’un Orthodoxe, in: Consilium, April 1970, No. 54, pp. 21-30 and particularly p. 29; Fairy von Lilienfeld, Römisch-katholische und Orthodoxe Kirche nach dem zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil und “Orientalium Ecclesiarum,” in Materialdienst des Konfessions-kundlichen Instituts, March/April 1969, pp. 21-27 and particularly p. 24 where we can read: “Darum macht sich bei römischen Oekumene-Experten die Tendenz bemerkbar, diese unierten Kirchen, wenn es um das direkte Gespräch zwischen Rom und Vertretern der Orthodoxie geht, beseitezuschieben.” The author adds a footnote: “So Z.B. von Roberto Tucci, SJ auf einer Abendveranstaltung in Uppsala am 9.7.1968.” See also C.J. Dumont, art. cit., p. 33; K. Ware, Primacy, Collegiality, and the People of God, in Eastern Churches Review, III (1970) 18-29 and particularly 27.

[511] “Orientalium Ecclesiarum,” Nos. 5-6.

[512] Ibid., No. 9. Note that the word “all” is not found in the text, although in the decree of Florence, “Laetentur Coeli,” it was inserted with the approval of the Latins (of course with difficulty). See the chronological evolution of the text of Vatican II in N. Edelby, Les Eglises Orientales catholiques, Paris 1970, pp. 349-352.

[513] Cf. “Unitatis redintegratio,” No. 15; “Orientalium Ecclesiarum,” Nos. 26-29; Ecumenical Directory “Ad totam ecclesiam, “ Nos. 39-54.

[514] Y. Congar says the same of “a declericalized church” (L’Eglise de Saint Augustin à l’époque moderne, Paris 1970, p. 477.

[515] Cf. Pantainos (official organ of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria), 61 (1969), 65-67 and 124-125.

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